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The Autobiography Of Benjamin Franklin
Edited by
Frank Woodworth Pine
Chapter 9
PLAN FOR ATTAINING MORAL PERFECTION
It was about this time I conceived the bold and arduous project of
arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without committing any
fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural
inclination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or
thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might
not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had
undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined.[66] While my
care was employ'd in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised
by another; habit took the advantage of inattention; inclination was
sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere
speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely
virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the
contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and
established, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform
rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the
following method.
[66] Compare Philippians iv, 8.
In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my
reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different
writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance,
for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by
others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure,
appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our
avarice and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness,
to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few
names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues
all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and
annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent I
gave to its meaning.
These names of virtues, with their precepts, were:
1. Temperance.
Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.
2. Silence.
Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling
conversation.
3. Order.
Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business
have its time.
4. Resolution.
Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you
resolve.
5. Frugality.
Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; _i. e._, waste
nothing.
6. INDUSTRY.
Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all
unnecessary actions.
7. Sincerity.
Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly; and, if you speak,
speak accordingly.
8. Justice.
Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your
duty.
9. Moderation.
Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they
deserve.
10. Cleanliness.
Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.
11. Tranquillity.
Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable.
12. Chastity.
13. Humility.
Imitate Jesus and Socrates.
My intention being to acquire the _habitude_ of all these virtues, I
judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the
whole at once, but to fiit on one of them at a time; and, when I
should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till
I should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous
acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain
others, I arrang'd them with that view, as they stand above.
Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness
of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept
up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient
habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd
and establish'd, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to
gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and
considering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of
the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I
was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me
acceptable to trifling company, I gave _Silence_ the second place.
This and the next, _Order_, I expected would allow me more time for
attending to my project and my studies. _Resolution_, once become
habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavours to obtain all the
subsequent virtues; _Frugality_ and Industry freeing me from my
remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make
more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving
then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras[67] in his Golden
Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the
following method for conducting that examination.
I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the
virtues.[68] I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven
columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a
letter for the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines,
marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the
virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a
little black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been
committed respecting that virtue upon that day.
[67] A famous Greek philosopher, who lived about 582-500
B. C. The _Golden Verses_ here ascribed to him are
probably of later origin. "The time which he recommends
for this work is about even or bed-time, that we may
conclude the action of the day with the judgment of
conscience, making the examination of our conversation
an evening song to God."
[68] This "little book" is dated July 1, 1733.—W. T. F.
_Form of the pages._
TEMPERANCE.
EAT NOT TO DULLNESS. DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION.
I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues
successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid
every the least offense against _Temperance_, leaving the other
virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the
faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first
line, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so
much strengthen'd, and its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture
extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week
keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could
go thro' a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a
year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to
eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and
his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having
accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I
hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I
made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till
in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a
clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily examination.
This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's
_Cato_:
"Here will I hold. If there's a power above us
(And that there is, all nature cries aloud Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue;
And that which he delights in must be happy."
Another from Cicero,
"O vitæ Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatriexpultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et epræceptis tuis
actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus."[69]
[69] "O philosophy, guide of life! O searcher out of
virtue and exterminator of vice! One day spent well and
in accordance with thy precepts is worth an immortality
of sin."—_Tusculan Inquiries_, Book V.
Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue:
"Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand
riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." iii. 16, 17.
And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right
and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end
I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables
of examination, for daily use.
"_O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers
my truest interest. Strengthen my resolutions
to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices
to thy other children as the only return in my power for
thy continual favours to me_."
I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's
Poems, viz.:
"Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme! O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself!
Save me from folly, vanity, and vice, From every low pursuit; and fill my soul
With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;
Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!"
The precept of _Order_ requiring that _every part of my business
should have its allotted time_, one page in my little book contain'd
the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a
natural day. I enter'd upon the execution of this plan
for self-examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions
for some time. I was surpris'd to find myself so much fuller of
faults than I had imagined; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them
diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little
book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to
make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferr'd
my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum
book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable
stain, and on those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil,
which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a
while I went thro' one course only in a year, and afterward only
one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd
in voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs
that interfered; but I always carried my little book with me.
My scheme of Order gave me the most trouble;[70] and I found that, tho'
it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave
him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for
instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who
must miwith the world, and often receive people of business at their
own hours. _Order_, too, with regard to places for things, papers,
etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early
accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so
sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article,
therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it
vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had
such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the
attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect,
like the man who, in buying an aof a smith, my neighbour, desired to
have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith
consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he
turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face of the ahard and
heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The
man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went
on, and at length would take his aas it was, without farther
grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have it
bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," says the man,
"_but I think I like a speckled abest_." And I believe this may have
been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I
employ'd, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad
habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle,
and concluded that "_a speckled awas best_"; for something, that
pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that
such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery
in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a
perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being
envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults
in himself, to keep his friends in countenance.
[70] Professor McMaster tells us that when Franklin was
American Agent in France, his lack of business order was
a source of annoyance to his colleagues and friends.
"Strangers who came to see him were amazed to behold
papers of the greatest importance scattered in the most
careless way over the table and floor."
In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I
am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it.
But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had been
so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the
endeavour, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have
been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing by
imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for
excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavour, and
is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.
It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little
artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant
felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written.
What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence;
but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy'd ought to
help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes
his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good
constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his
circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge
that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some
degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the
confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon
him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues,[71]
even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that
evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes
his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger
acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may
follow the example and reap the benefit.
[71] While there can be no question that Franklin's moral
improvement and happiness were due to the practice of
these virtues, yet most people will agree that we shall
have to go back of his plan for the impelling motive to
a virtuous life. Franklin's own suggestion that the
scheme smacks of "foppery in morals" seems justified.
Woodrow Wilson well puts it: "Men do not take fire from
such thoughts, unless something deeper, which is missing
here, shine through them. What may have seemed to the
eighteenth century a system of morals seems to us
nothing more vital than a collection of the precepts of
good sense and sound conduct. What redeems it from
pettiness in this book is the scope of power and of
usefulness to be seen in Franklin himself, who set these
standards up in all seriousness and candor for his own
life." See _Galatians_, chapter V, for the Christian
plan of moral perfection.
It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without
religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets
of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully
persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it
might be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some
time or other to publish it, I would not have anything in it that
should prejudice anyone, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a
little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the
advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite
vice; and I should have called my book The Art of Virtue,[72] because
it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which
would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that
does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's
man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked and
hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them
to be fed and clothed.—James ii. 15, 16.
[72] Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as
virtue.—_Marg. note_.
But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this
comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put
down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use
of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close
attention to private business in the earlier part of my life, and
public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it being
connected in my mind with _a great and extensive project_, that
required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession
of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd
unfinish'd.
In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine,
that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but
forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone
considered; that it was, therefore, everyone's interest to be virtuous
who wish'd to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this
circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich
merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest
instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so
rare), have endeavoured to convince young persons that no qualities
were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and
integrity.
My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend
having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my
pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content
with being in the right when discussing any point, but was
overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by
mentioning several instances; I determined endeavouring to cure
myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added
_Humility_ to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word.
I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the _reality_ of this
virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the _appearance_ of it. I
made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments
of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself,
agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or
expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as
_certainly, undoubtedly_, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, _I
conceive, I apprehend_, or _I imagine_ a thing to be so or so; or it
_so appears to me at present_. When another asserted something that I
thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of contradicting him
abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his
proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain
cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present
case there _appear'd_ or _seem'd_ to me some difference, etc. I soon
found the advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I
engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd
my opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less contradiction;
I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I
more easily prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join
with me when I happened to be in the right.
And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural
inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that
perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical
expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of
integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much
weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or
alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when
I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent,
subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in
language, and yet I generally carried my points.
In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard
to subdue as _pride_. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down,
stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and
will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it,
perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I
had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.
[Thus far written at Passy, 1784.]
[_"I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but cannot have the
help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I
have, however, found the following."_][73]
[73] This is a marginal memorandum.—B.
Having mentioned _a great and extensive project_ which I had
conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here given of
that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the
following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.:
_Observations_ on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731.
"That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are
carried on and effected by parties.
"That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or
what they take to be such.
"That the different views of these different parties occasion all
confusion.
"That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his
particular private interest in view.
"That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member
becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others,
breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.
"That few in public affairs act from a mere view of the good of their
country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring real
good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and
their country's interest was united, and did not act from a principle
of benevolence.
"That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of
mankind.
"There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a
United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all
nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise
rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their
obedience to, than common people are to common laws.
"I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well
qualified, cannot fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success.
B. F."
Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when
my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down
from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me
respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be
the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the
essentials of every known religion, and being free of everything that
might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these
words, viz.:
"That there is one God, who made all things.
"That he governs the world by his providence.
"That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and
thanksgiving.
"But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man.
"That the soul is immortal.
"And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice, either
here or hereafter."
My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread
at first among young and single men only; that each person to be
initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should
have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and
practice of the virtues, as in the beforemention'd model; that the
existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it was
become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of
improper persons, but that the members should each of them search
among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom,
with prudent caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated;
that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and
support to each other in promoting one another's interests, business,
and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd
_The Society of the Free and Easy_: free, as being, by the general
practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice;
and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from
debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to
his creditors.
This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I
communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some
enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was
under of sticking close to my business, occasioned my postponing the
further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious
occupations, public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so
that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity
left sufficient for such an enterprise; though I am still of opinion
that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by
forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by
the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought
that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and
accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good plan,
and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert
his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study
and business.
End of Chapter 9
Chapter 10
POOR RICHARD'S ALMANAC AND OTHER ACTIVITIES
In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of _Richard
Saunders_; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly
call'd _Poor Richard's Almanac_.[74] I endeavour'd to make it both
entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand,
that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten
thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any
neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a
proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who
bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little
spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar with
proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and
frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing
virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always
honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, _it is hard for an
empty sack to stand upright_.
[74] The almanac at that time was a kind of periodical as
well as a guide to natural phenomena and the weather.
Franklin took his title from _Poor Robin_, a famous
English almanac, and from Richard Saunders, a well-known
almanac publisher. For the maxims of Poor Richard, see
pages 331-335.
These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I
assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the Almanack
of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an
auction. The bringing all these scatter'd councils thus into a focus
enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally
approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted
in Britain on a broadside, to be stuck up in houses; two translations
were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and
gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants.
In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign
superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing
that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years
after its publication.
Two pages from _Poor Richard's Almanac_ for 1736. Size of original.
Reproduced from a copy at the New York Public Library.
_IV Mon._ June hath xxdays.
Things that are bitter, bitterrer than Gall Physicians
say are always physical: Now Women's Tongues if into
Powder beaten, May in a Potion or a Pill be eaten, And
as there's nought more bitter, I do muse, That Women's
Tongues in Physick they ne'er use. My self and others
who lead restless Lives, Would spare that bitter Member
of our Wives.
1 3 _fine weather_, 4 Le 4 36 8 Moon set 10 12 aft
2 4 Ascension Day 5 19 4 35 8 _He that can have_
3 5 Mars Sat. Ven. _Sudden_ 6 Vi 4 35 8 _Patience, can_
4 6 _showers_ 6h 19 4 35 8 _have what he_ 5 7 _of Rain_. 7 Li 4 35 8 First Quarter.
6 C Eraudi 8 19 4 35 8 _will._ 7 2 Trine Mars Merc. _thunder_, 9 Sc 4 35
8 Le. Vi. Li. 8 3 _perhaps hail._ 10 17 4 35 8 Sun ent.
Cn. today 9 4 7* rise 2 15 10 Sa 4 34 8 making longest
10 5 _very hot_, 11 13 4 34 8 day 14 h. 51 m.
11 6 St. Barnabas. 12 26 4 34 8 Full Moon 12 day,
12 7 _then rain_. 1 Cp 4 34 8 at 1 morn. 13 C Whitsunday. 2 20 4 35 8 Moon rise 8 20
aft. 14 2 2h Aq 4 35 8 _Now I've a sheep_
15 3 K. Geo. II. procl 3 15 4 35 8 _and a cow, every_
16 4 ff. Sun Sat. _wind, rain_, 4 27 4 35 8 _body bids me good_
17 5 Sxtil Sat. Merc. _hail and_ 5 Pi 4 35 8 _morrow._
18 6 _thunder_ 6 21 4 35 8 Moon rise 11 10 af.
19 7 Day shorter 2 m. 6h Ar 4 35 8 20 C Trinity Sund. 7 15 4 36 8 Last Quarter
21 2 _If we have rain about_ 8 27 4 36 8 _God helps them_
22 3 _the Change_, 9 Ta 4 36 8 _that help themselves_
23 4 _Let not my reader_ 10 22 4 36 8 24 5 St. John Bap. 10 Gm 4 36 8 Moon rise
2 morn. 25 6 7* rise 1 8 11 18 4 37 8 _Why does the_
26 7 vc Sun Jup. _think it_ 12 Cn 4 37 8 _blind man's wife_
27 C _strange._ 1 16 4 38 8 New moon 27 day, 28 2 Sxtil Sat. Mars _hail and_ 2 Le 4 38
8 near noon. 29 3 St. Peter & Paul 2h 15 4 39 8 _paint
herself._ 30 4 Square Mars Ven. _rain_. 3 Vi 4 40 8
Moon sets 9 30
_V Mon._ July hath xxxi days.
Who can charge _Ebrio_ with Thirst of Wealth? See he
consumes his Money, Time and Health, In drunken Frolicks
which will all confound, Neglects his Farm, forgets to
till his Ground, His Stock grows less that might be kept
with ease; In nought but Guts and Debts he finds
Encrease. In Town reels as if he'd shove down each Wall,
Yet Walls must stand, poor Soul, or he must fall.
1 5 Day short 11 mi. 4 15 4 40 8 _None preaches_ 2 6 7* rise 12 32 5 Li 4 41 8 _better than
the_ 3 7 _windy weather._ 6 15 4 41 8 _ant, and
she says_ 4 C 2 Sund. p Trinit 6h Sc 4 42 8 First Quarter.
5 2 Vc Jup. Ven. _now_ 7 14 4 43 8 _nothing._ 6 3 _pleasant weather_ 8 27 4 44 8 Moon sets
12 30 m 7 4 _some days_ 9 Sa 4 45 8 _The absent are_
8 5 _together,_ 10 23 4 48 8 _never without_ 9 6 _but inclines to_ 10 Cp 4 47 8 _fault,
nor the_ 10 7 _falling_ 11 18 4 48 8 _present without_
11 C 3 Sund. p. Trin. 12 Aq 4 49 8 Full moon 11 day,
12 2 Sxtil Sat. Merc. weather. 1 13 4 50 8 2 afternoon.
13 3 Dog-days begin 2 25 4 50 8 sun in Leo 14 4 Days 14h. 20 m 2h Pi 4 51 8 Moon rise
8 35 aft. 15 5 St. _Swithin_. 3 19 4 52 8 _excuse._
16 6 Le 1 Li 4 Ar 4 53 8 17 7 conj. Sun Merc. _rain_ 5 13 4 54 8 _Gifts
burst_ 18 C 7* rise 11 40 6 25 4 55 8 _rocks_
19 2 _hail or rain,_ 6h Ta 4 56 8 Last Quarter. 20 3 Sxtil Sun Sat. thunder. 7 19 4 57 8 Moon
rise 11 52 af 21 4 7* rise 11 18 8 Gm 4 57 8 _If wind blows
on_ 22 5 _then high_ 9 14 4 58 8 _you thro' a
hole,_ 23 6 _wind._ 10 27 4 59 8 _Make your will_
24 7 opp. Sun Jupiter 10 Cn 4 59 8 _and take care of_
25 C St. James. 11 25 5 0 7 _your soul._ 26 2 _hail_ 12 Le 5 1 7 New moon 26 day,
27 3 Moon near cor Leo 1 24 5 2 7 near 8 aftern 28 4 opp. Jup. Ven. _a clear_ 2 Vi 5 3 7 Moon
sets 8 aftern 29 5 _air; and fine_ 2h 24 5 4 7 _The rotten
Apple_ 30 6 _weather_ 3 Li 5 5 7 _spoils his_
31 7 7* rise 10 40 4 23 5 6 7 _Companion._
[Transcriber's note: Zodiac signs, aspects and symbols of the planets
have been replaced by their names and/or by their standard
abbreviations.
Ar=Aries, Ta=Taurus, Gm=Gemini, Cn=Cancer, Le=Leo, Vi=Virgo,
Li=Libra, Sc=Scorpio, Sa=Sagittarius, Cp=Capricorn, Aq=Aqua,
Pi=Pisces, Oppos=Opposition, Trine=Trine, Squr=Square,
Conj=Conjunction, Sxtil=Sextile, Qucnx= Quincunx.
Merc=Mercury, Ven=Venus, Mars=Mars, Jup=Jupiter, Sat=Saturn
Ura=Uranus, Nep=Neptune, Plu=Pluto.]
I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating
instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from
the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little
pieces of my own, which had been first composed for reading in our
Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that,
whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not
properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial,
showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a
habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations.
These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.[75]
[75] June 23 and July 7, 1730.—Smyth.
In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libeling and
personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our
country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and
the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press,
and that a newspaper was like a stage-coach, in which anyone who would
pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the
piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies
as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me
to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my
subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or
entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation,
in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice.
Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of
individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among
ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and
are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the
government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best
national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious
consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers,
and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and
disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse
steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct
will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.
In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina,
where a printer was wanting. I furnish'd him with a press and letters,
on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third of
the profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He was a
man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and,
tho' he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from
him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On
his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born
and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the knowledge of
accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as
clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but
continued to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every
quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that
she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the
expiration of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house,
and establish her son in it.
I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch
of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to
them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or
dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men,
and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house,
with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to
undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of
the family.
About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young
Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good
voice, and apparently extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew
together considerable numbers of different persuasions, who join'd in
admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his constant hearers,
his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind,
but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the
religious stile are called good works. Those, however, of our
congregation, who considered themselves as orthodoPresbyterians,
disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old clergy,
who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have him
silenc'd. I became his zealous partisan, and contributed all I could
to raise a party in his favour, and we combated for him awhile with
some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon the
occasion; and finding that, tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a
poor writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three
pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those
pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, tho'
eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question
whether a single copy of them now exists.[76]
[76] See "A List of Books written by, or relating to
Benjamin Franklin," by Paul Leicester Ford. 1889. p.
15.—Smyth.
During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly.
One of our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much
admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least
a part of it. On search, he found that part quoted at length, in one
of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster's.[77] This
detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned
his cause, and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I
stuck by him, however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good sermons
composed by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho' the
latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward
acknowledg'd to me that none of those he preach'd were his own;
adding, that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat
any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search
elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never
joining it after, tho' I continu'd many years my subscription for the
support of its ministers.
[77] Dr. James Foster (1697-1753):—
"Let modest Foster, if he will excel Ten metropolitans in preaching well."
—Pope (Epilogue to the Satires, I, 132).
"Those who had not heard Farinelli sing and Foster
preach were not qualified to appear in genteel company,"
Hawkins. "History of Music."—Smyth.
I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a
master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then
undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd
often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too
much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play
any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game
should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar
to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the
vanquish'd was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we
play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I
afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish
as to read their books also.
I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in a
Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that
language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with the
French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpris'd to find, on looking over
a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language
than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the
study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages
had greatly smooth'd my way.
From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some
inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told
that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd
that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are
deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more
easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and
get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more
easily gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the
lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would
therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the
education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with
the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made
any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost
useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been
better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc.;
for, tho', after spending the same time, they should quit the study of
languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have
acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be
serviceable to them in common life.[78]
[78] "The authority of Franklin, the most eminently
practical man of his age, in favor of reserving the
study of the dead languages until the mind has reached a
certain maturity, is confirmed by the confession of one
of the most eminent scholars of any age.
"'Our seminaries of learning,' says Gibbon, 'do not
exactly correspond with the precept of a Spartan king,
that the child should be instructed in the arts which
will be useful to the man; since a finished scholar may
emerge from the head of Westminster or Eton, in total
ignorance of the business and conversation of English
gentlemen in the latter end of the eighteenth century.
But these schools may assume the merit of teaching all
that they pretend to teach, the Latin and Greek
languages.'"—Bigelow.
After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become easy in my
circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I
could not sooner well afford. In returning, I call'd at Newport to see
my brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our former
differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and
affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me
that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant, I
would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up
to the printing business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending him a
few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother
carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with
an assortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn
out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I
had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early.
In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the
small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and
still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I
mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the
supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died
under it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either
way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.
Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such
satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing
their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we
had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the
beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was
pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of
improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find
it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any
addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a
proposal, that every member separately should endeavour to form a
subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and
without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The
advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young
citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with
the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the
Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to
report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate club; the promotion of
our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation,
and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of
doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the
Junto.
The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club,
but they did not all succeed. Five or sionly were compleated, which
were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc.
They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of
amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some
considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on
particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course
of time as they happened.
My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General
Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition; but the
year following, when I was again propos'd (the choice, like that of
the members, being annual), a new member made a long speech against
me, in order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, chosen,
which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the
immediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of
keeping up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me the
business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other
occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very
profitable.
I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a
gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to
give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed,
afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour by
paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this
other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very
scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire
of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of
lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I
return'd it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my
sense of the favour. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me
(which he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever
after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we
became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This
is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which
says, _"He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do
you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged."_ And it shows
how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent,
return, and continue inimical proceedings.
In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then
postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy
at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and
inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered
it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage; for,
tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence that
improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number demanded, as well as the
advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a
considerable income. My old competitor's newspaper declin'd
proportionately, and I was satisfy'd without retaliating his refusal,
while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders.
Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting; and I
mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ'd in
managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts,
and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality. The
character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all
recommendations to new employments and increase of business.
End of Chapter 10
Chapter 11
INTEREST IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS
I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning,
however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first
things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the
constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a
number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose
never to attend, paid him sishillings a year to be excus'd, which
was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much
more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a
place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such
ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did
not choose to miwith. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected,
and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper to
be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting
more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling taof the
constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a
poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch
did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the
wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds' worth of goods in
his stores.
On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of
proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more
equitable way of supporting the charge, the levying a tathat should
be proportion'd to the property. This idea, being approv'd by the
Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of
them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution,
yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way
for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs
were grown into more influence.
About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was
afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by
which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means
proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece,
and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a
company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual
assistance in removing and securing of goods when in danger.
Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty.
Our articles of agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good
order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with
strong bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which
were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month
and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating
such ideas as occurred to us upon the subjects of fires, as might be
useful in our conduct on such occasions.
The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring
to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were
advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on,
one new company being formed after another, till they became so
numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of
property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of
fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed, called
the Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first
members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year
than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence
at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to the purchase of
fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for
each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world
better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning
conflagrations; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has
never lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the
flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they
began has been half consumed.
In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield,[79]
who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He was
at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy,
taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was
oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and
denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was
matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the
extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much
they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of
them, by assuring them they were naturally _half beasts and half
devils_. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners
of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about
religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so
that one could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing
psalms sung in different families of every street.
[79] George Whitefield, pronounced Hwit'field (1714-1770), a celebrated English clergyman
and pulpit orator, one of the founders of Methodism.
And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject
to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner
propos'd, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but
sufficient sums were soon receiv'd to procure the ground and erect the
building, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the
size of Westminster Hall;[80] and the work was carried on with such
spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been
expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for
the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire
to say something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building
not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in
general; so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a
missionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at
his service.
[80] A part of the palace of Westminster, now forming the
vestibule to the Houses of Parliament in London.
Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro' the
colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been
begun, but, instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen,
accustomed to labour, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it
was with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors,
many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being
set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to
endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving
many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable
situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr. Whitefield with the
idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be
supported and educated. Returning northward, he preach'd up this
charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful
power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was
an instance.
I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then destitute
of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from
Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better
to have built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I
advis'd; but he was resolute in his first project, rejected my
counsel, and I therefore refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after
to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he
intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he
should get nothing from me. I had in my pocket a handful of copper
money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he
proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers.
Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd
me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I empty'd my
pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon
there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting
the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be
intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from
home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a
strong desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour who stood near him,
to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was
unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had
the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "_At
any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not
now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses._"
Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would
apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I, who was
intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons
and Journals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity,
but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct
a perfectly _honest man_; and methinks my testimony in his favour
ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. He
us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the
satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere
civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death.
The following instance will show something of the terms on which we
stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me
that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could
lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr.
Benezet was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house;
if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most
heartily welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for
Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "_Don't
let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake._"
One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to
be the custom of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift
the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place
it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fiit on earth.
The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me
about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to
the establishment of a college.
He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences
so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great
distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the
most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the
Courthouse steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the
west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both
streets were fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being
among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how
far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards
the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near
Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining
then a semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that
it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square
feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty
thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having
preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the
ancient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had
sometimes doubted.
By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons
newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of
his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent
repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of
voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that, without
being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd with
the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd
from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant
preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter cannot
well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.
His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his
enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered
in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by
supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have
been deny'd; but _litera scripta manet_. Critics attack'd his writings
violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the
number of his votaries and prevent their increase; so that I am of
opinion if he had never written anything, he would have left behind
him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might
in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there
being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure and give him
a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign
for him as great a variety of excellences as their enthusiastic
admiration might wish him to have possessed.
My business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstances
growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as
being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring
provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of the observation, "_that
after getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the
second_," money itself being of a prolific nature.
The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encourag'd to
engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had
behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different
colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did
well, being enabled at the end of our term, siyears, to purchase the
types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means several
families were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was
happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably,
owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very
explicitly settled, in our articles, everything to be done by or
expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute,
which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into
partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and
confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little
jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the
care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with
breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and
other disagreeable consequences.
End of Chapter 11 Chapter 12
DEFENSE OF THE PROVINCE
I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being
established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two, things that I
regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat
education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743,
drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time,
thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person
to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him;
but he, having more profitable views in the service of the
proprietaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not
knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the
scheme lie awhile dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in
proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote
for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected.
With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war
against Great Britain, and being at length join'd by France, which
brought us into great danger; and the laboured and long-continued
endeavour of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly
to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the security of
the province, having proved abortive, I determined to try what might
be done by a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I
first wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled Plain Truth, in which I
stated our defenceless situation in strong lights, with the necessity
of union and discipline for our defense, and promis'd to propose in a
few days an association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The
pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was call'd upon for the
instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a
few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large
building before mentioned. The house was pretty full; I had prepared a
number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispers'd all over
the room. I harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper,
and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly
signed, not the least objection being made.
When the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found
above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the
country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand.
These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed
themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and
met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise, and other
parts of military discipline. The women, by subscriptions among
themselves, provided silk colours, which they presented to the
companies, painted with different devices and mottos, which I
supplied.
The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia regiment,
being met, chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit, I
declin'd that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person,
and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then propos'd a
lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town,
and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the
battery was soon erected, the merlons being fram'd of logs and fill'd
with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these not
being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the
same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho' without much
expectation of obtaining it.
Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and
myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission'd to
borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refus'd us
peremptorily; but at dinner with his council, where there was great
drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he
softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more
bumpers he advanc'd to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly
conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with
their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery,
where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and
among the rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common
soldier.
My activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and
council; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them in
every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the
association. Calling in the aid of religion, I propos'd to them the
proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing
of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac'd the motion; but, as it was
the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no
precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in New
England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some
advantage: I drew it in the accustomed stile, it was translated into
German,[81] printed in both languages, and divulg'd thro' the province.
This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of
influencing their congregations to join in the association, and it
would probably have been general among all but Quakers if the peace
had not soon interven'd.
[81] Wm. Penn's agents sought recruits for the colony of
Pennsylvania in the low countries of Germany, and there
are still in eastern Pennsylvania many Germans, inaccurately called Pennsylvania Dutch. Many
of them use a Germanized English.
It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these
affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in
the Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A
young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the House, and wished
to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to
displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in good will,
advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being
turn'd out. My answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some
public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never to
refuse one when offer'd to him. "I approve," says I, "of his rule, and
will practice it with a small addition; I shall never _ask_, never
_refuse_, nor ever _resign_ an office. If they will have my office of
clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. I will
not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making
reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more of this; I was
chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as
they dislik'd my late intimacy with the members of council, who had
join'd the governors in all the disputes about military preparations,
with which the House had long been harass'd, they might have been
pleas'd if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care
to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and
they could not well give another reason.
Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was
not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir'd to
assist in it. And I found that a much greater number of them than I
could have imagined, tho' against offensive war, were clearly for the
defensive. Many pamphlets _pro and con_ were publish'd on the subject,
and some by good Quakers, in favour of defense, which I believe
convinc'd most of their younger people.
A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their
prevailing sentiments. It had been propos'd that we should encourage
the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock,
then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no
money could be dispos'd of till the next meeting after the proposal.
The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were
Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually
attended the meeting; but, tho' we thought that some of the Quakers
would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one
Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear'd to oppose the measure. He expressed
much sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as he said _Friends_ were
all against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the
company. We told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the
minority, and if _Friends_ were against the measure, and outvoted us,
we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit.
When the hour for business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote; he
allow'd we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us
that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of
opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their
appearing.
While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen
below desir'd to speak with me. I went down, and found they were two
of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled
at a tavern just by; that they were determin'd to come and vote with
us if there should be occasion, which they hop'd would not be the
case, and desir'd we would not call for their assistance if we could
do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them
with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went
up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of
another hour. This Mr. Morris allow'd to be extreamly fair. Not one of
his opposing friends appear'd, at which he express'd great surprize;
and, at the expiration of the hour, we carri'd the resolution eight to
one; and as, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with
us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they were not
inclin'd to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion
of Quakers sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one only; for
these were all regular members of that society, and in good reputation
among them, and had due notice of what was propos'd at that meeting.
The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of that sect,
was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of
defensive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. He
put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets for
the battery, with directions to apply what prizes might be drawn
wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old
master, William Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England,
when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was
war-time, and their ship was chas'd by an armed vessel, suppos'd to be
an enemy. Their captain prepar'd for defense; but told William Penn,
and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance,
and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James
Logan,[82] who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter'd to a gun. The
suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting; but when the
secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn
rebuk'd him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist
in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of _Friends_,
especially as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof,
being before all the company, piqu'd the secretary, who answer'd, _"I
being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee
was willing enough that I should stay and help to fight the ship when
thee thought there was danger."_
[82] James Logan (1674-1751) came to America with William
Penn in 1699, and was the business agent for the Penn
family. He bequeathed his valuable library, preserved at
his country seat, "Senton", to the city of Philadelphia.—Smyth.
My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which were
constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the
embarrassment given them by their principle against war, whenever
application was made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for
military purposes. They were unwilling to offend government, on the
one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body of the
Quakers, on the other, by compliance contrary to their principles;
hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of
disguising the compliance when it became unavoidable. The common mode
at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its being "_for the
king's use_," and never to inquire how it was applied.
But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was
found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when
powder was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and
the government of New England solicited a grant of some from
Pennsylvania, which was much urg'd on the House by Governor Thomas,
they could not grant money to buy powder, because that was an
ingredient of war; but they voted an aid to New England of three
thousand pounds, to be put into the hands of the governor, and
appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat or _other
grain_. Some of the council, desirous of giving the House still
further embarrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept provision,
as not being the thing he had demanded; but he repli'd, "I shall take
the money, for I understand very well their meaning; other grain is
gunpowder," which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to
it.[83]
[83] See the votes.—_Marg. note_.
It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we
feared the success of our proposal in favour of the lottery, and I had
said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, "If we fail, let us
move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can
have no objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I you as a
committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is
certainly a _fire-engine_." "I see," says he, "you have improv'd by
being so long in the Assembly; your equivocal project would be just a
match for their wheat or _other grain_."
These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from having establish'd
and published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was
lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards,
however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me
of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that
of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael
Welfare, soon after it appear'd. He complain'd to me that they were
grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and
charg'd with abominable principles and practices to which they were
utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new
sects, and that, to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be
well to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their
discipline. He said that it had been propos'd among them, but not
agreed to, for this reason: "When we were first drawn together as a
society," says he, "it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far
as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were
errors; and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real
truths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther
light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors
diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are arrived at the end of
this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or theological
knowledge; and we fear that, if we should once print our confession of
faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, and
perhaps be unwilling to receive further improvement, and our
successors still more so, as conceiving what we their elders and
founders had done, to be something sacred, never to be departed from."
This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history
of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all
truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man
traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the
road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and
also the people in the fields on each side, but near him all appears
clear, tho' in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid
this kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been
gradually declining the public service in the Assembly and in the
magistracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their principle.
In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having, in
1742, invented an open stove[84] for the better warming of rooms, and
at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in
entering, I made a present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my
early friends, who, having an iron-furnace,[85] found the casting of
the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing
in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet,
entitled "_An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces;
wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly
explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms
demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use
of them answered and obviated_," etc. This pamphlet had a good effect.
Gov'r. Thomas was so pleas'd with the construction of this stove, as
described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole
vending of them for a term of years; but I declin'd it from a
principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, viz.,
_That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of others, we
should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of
ours; and this we should do freely and generously._
[84] The Franklin stove is still in use.
[85] Warwick Furnace, Chester County, Pennsylvania, across the Schuylkill River from Pottstown.
An ironmonger in London however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet,
and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the
machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there,
and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the
only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, tho'
not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having
no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes. The use
of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the
neighbouring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the
inhabitants.
End of Chapter 12 �