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{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid2901850 Early French traders and settlers brought
slavery to the Illinois country before statehood, as did immigrants from southern states. This
fact made Illinois' social contours, laws, and pol
itics more complex than those of the other states of the Old Northwest.
\par In the years in which Native Americans, Frenchmen, African-Americans and a few British
and white Americans mingled in the Illinois backcountry's freewheeling society, blacks
enjoyed c onsiderable freedoms, including the rights
to bear arms, buy and sell, and make contracts. While French masters held a significant number
of slaves, free blacks thrived as trappers, traders, and explorers. In 1790 Jean Baptiste
du Sable, a black man, open ed a trading post at the mouth of the Chicago
River, becoming the first non-Indian settler on the site of modern-day Chicago, Illinois.
\par The arrival of large numbers of white American settlers, who pushed the French and
British out of Illinois and integrate d the region into the United States, dramatically
changed racial customs and laws in Illinois. While the United States ostensibly brought
a democratic ethos to the Illinois country and brought an end to French slavery, Americans'
customs and values signif icantly undermined the social fluidity of
frontier society and especially damaged the position of free blacks.
\par The legacy of slavery loomed large in the founding of the State of Illinois. In
1818 the majority of the state's white population hailed from the
American South, and a significant number of them held slaves. But the Northwest Ordinance
of 1787, which had chartered Illinois as a part of the Northwest Territory (along with
Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin), explicitly forbade slavery.
\par A delica te compromise effected in the state's early
days protected the holding of black indentured servants, who technically labored under some
variety of contract in virtual slavery. Although an 1824 referendum officially banned slavery
in Illinois, many of thes e indentured servants continued to toil in
obscurity for years. \par Illinois' free blacks lived their lives
between the institution of slavery, which thrived in nearby Missouri and Kentucky, and
many northern whites' hopes for an all-white society. Southern sl
ave-catchers, ostensibly in search of runaways, often kidnapped free blacks into bondage.
In 1830 residents of the Illinois capital of Vandalia founded a colonization society
devoted to returning black Americans to Africa. Many such societies sprang up ar
ound Illinois and the North, and the young Abraham Lincoln endorsed the plan.
\par Illinois law severely restricted African-Americans' rights and liberties. An act of the first
state legislature obliged all African-Americans settling in the state to produce a c
ertificate of freedom. Blacks found without certificates were to be advertised in newspapers
and hired out for a year. Free blacks could not testify against whites in court. Any person
bringing slaves to Illinois in order to emancipate them faced the chal
lenge of producing a bond of one thousand dollars for each, presumably to be forfeited
at the discretion of a judge. \par Despite these impediments, free blacks
often found ways to make their mark in early Illinois. William Cooper, a free black man,
settled in Cass County, Illinois in 1821. In 1826 he
claimed public land and purchased it. His white neighbors, mostly of southern descent,
seemed to accept Cooper and his white wife, who attended local Methodist services. Historians
have speculated that Cooper poss essed some rare skill or practiced an important
trade that made him indispensable to his neighbors. In any event, circumstances such as Cooper's
were exceedingly rare. \par In 1819 "Free Frank" McWhorter purchased
his freedom from his Kentucky master and moved, with his wife (whose freedom he had also purchased),
to Pike County, Illinois. In the following years Free Frank and his sons purchased a
considerable tract of land and laid out New Philadelphia, a biracial town. The town remained
small, but thrived in t he remote Pike County.
\par African-American women labored under difficult circumstances as well. Despite white
Americans' poor treatment, most free black communities took on whites' gender roles.
These customs placed great emphasis upon masculine independence
and made it a symbol of freedom. Black women thus found themselves doubly burdened, by
their race and their sex. \par Nevertheless, an important group of African-American
women became leaders in the abolitionist movement. In the northeast states, the writers M
aria W. Stewart and Mary Ann Shadd Cary published important pamphlets and tracts. Sojourner
Truth made herself into an inspirational spokeswoman in the fight against slavery, and Harriet
Tubman donned bold disguises as she traveled south to lead slaves to
freedom on the Underground Railroad. In Illinois, the Chicagoan Emma Jane Atkinson and other
African-American women collaborated with white activists to smuggle slaves to freedom as
well. \par Free black activists pulled together
to found new organizations, su ch as the State Convention of Colored Citizens
of the State of Illinois that met in Alton in November of 1856. Often these groups worked
with white abolitionists in the fight against slavery, but many white antislavery activists
themselves discriminated a gainst African-Americans, and especially black
women. While the Massachusetts editor and radical abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison
welcomed women and African-Americans' contributions to the movement, his influence did not reach
as far west as Illinois.
\par I n addition to southern slavery, northern Black
Codes (or discriminatory laws), and a federal government seemingly bent upon the extension
of slavery, free blacks faced the discouraging prospect of white American culture's virulent
racial stereotypes. As S t
ephen Douglas showed in the Lincoln-Douglas debates, most white Illinoisans did not consider
free blacks to be their political or social equals. Douglas, like the Supreme Court of
the United States, did not believe that African-Americans could ever be cit
izens. \par American popular culture held African-Americans
up to bitter ridicule as well. Cartoons published in the mid-nineteenth century's new magazines
repeatedly lampooned blacks' supposed physical characteristics in crude outlines. American
popular song, which took shape on the stage of touring minstrel
shows and in popular songbooks aimed at the sing-along audience, revealed white Americans'
fascination with black music. \par Minstrel shows purported to bring southern
blacks, "straight from the plantation," t o the North to perform their exotic rhythms
and melodies. These shows in fact usually reflected northern songwriters' vague impressions
of life on a southern plantation, and thus brought stereotypes to a wide audience. Minstrel
actors often played upon Af r
ican-American stereotypes in broad brushstrokes in order to wring a chuckle from white northern
audiences who had never met a black person in their life. Songbooks, widely popular in
an era before mass media entertainments, also labored to present "authen
tic" African melodies, but usually flowed from the pens of northern song smiths.
\par Despite these considerable handicaps, African-Americans became the most significant
Americans by the 1850s. The white American political system that had so
effectively marginalized them found itself quite unable to resolve the question of blacks'
political, social, and economic standing. The result was Civil War.
\par In the face of abolitionist pressure and the organization of the new Republican
Party, President James Buchanan and Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court Roger Taney moved to resolve the questions of race and slavery in America in the years
before the Civil War. Buchanan, a northern Democrat, cast his lot with pro-slavery southerners
who vociferously d e
manded control of federal slavery policy. Abandoning such allies as Illinois' Stephen
Douglas, Buchanan accepted a pro-slavery constitution for the new state of Kansas, despite clear
evidence of intimidation, violence and electoral irregularities by pro-s
lavery "border ruffians" there. In Buchanan's political calculus, any action that could
pacify outraged southerners stood to save the Union.
\par Taney struck another blow for white supremacy in the Dred Scott decision. Announced just
days before Buchanan took office, Taney's verdict denied the petition
of the slave Dred Scott, whose master had transported him from Missouri into Illinois
and later Minnesota. Scott claimed that he had become free once he reached free territory.
But Taney argued that African-Amer icans like Scott could not sue for their freedom
because blacks could not be American citizens. Furthermore, individual states and territories
could not prohibit slavery within their borders. \par Buchanan and Taney's actions elicited
howls of protest among nor thern abolitionists, and served to galvanize
moderates like Abraham Lincoln to action. Regardless of their real intentions, the President
and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court seemed to be moving in tandem to secure slavery's
future in the United Sta tes. Such appearances fueled northerners'
political fears of the southern "slave power," and boosted the Republican Party to rapid
prominence as the vehicle of their fears. \par When Stephen Douglas and Abraham Lincoln
took to the hustings in their famous debat es around Illinois in the summer and fall
of 1858, they debated few things quite so much as the role of African-Americans in the
future United States of America. Douglas insisted that they would remain marginal for all time.
Lincoln, despite his reservati o
ns about the workings of immediate black social equality and other concessions to American
society's prevailing racial prejudice, boldly argued that blacks, as much as whites, deserved
the Declaration of Independence's fundamental freedoms of "life, liber
ty, and the pursuit of happiness." \par This fundamental divide informed the
sectional crisis that led to the Civil War and catapulted Abraham Lincoln from relative
obscurity to the President's chair in 1861. }{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid9840608
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