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{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 Despite the failure of constitutional government
embodied by the Civil War, the United Stat es Constitution furnished a framework in which
the sectional crisis unfolded and culminated in Civil War. Most nineteenth-century Americans
revered the rule of law as one of the central supports of their freedoms. But Americans'
different interpretations o
f these freedoms, encouraged in part by the nation's widely varying climates, economic
structures and social mores, contributed in part to the unraveling of the union. Ultimately
this conflict itself put several of Americans' most cherished freedoms to th
e test as well. In concluding the Civil War, Americans not only resolved a military conflict;
they also took up the daunting task of reordering their laws and, as importantly, their enforcement.
\par Both seceding southerners and unionist northerners believed t
hat the Constitution informed their actions in the period leading up to the conflict and
in the war itself. Most southern secessionists believed that the Constitution enabled the
states to govern themselves as they saw fit and secede from the Union. South
e rners also invoked the Constitution's implicit
acceptance of slavery, as seen in the clause granting southern states three-fifths representation
for slaves, who of course could not vote, in the calculation of electoral representation.
Finally, slaveholder s
argued that the law obliged the federal government to secure their slaves, as it would anyone
else's property. They reasoned that northern calls for the abolition of slavery, or at
least its restriction in the western territories, threatened their lives
and liberty, and forced them to take such drastic action.
\par Many northern whites denounced abolitionist beliefs, but came to resent southerners' bold
assertions of rights nonetheless. Most workingmen believed in their right to live as independent
laborers sp ared the task of competing with unpaid slaves.
They also looked down upon African Americans and hoped to live apart from them. The sectional
crisis brought a growing number of these northerners to interpret the southern defense of rights,
such as the sanc t
ity of slave property, as facile covering for a set of political demands, namely the
expansion of slavery into the American West. Southern demands finally brought many northerners
to believe that wealthy southerners intended to protect their own interests
at the expense of northern working men's rights. \par Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison
and other abolitionists argued that African American slaves also deserved rights. In 1856
the United States Supreme Court had interpreted the Constitution in the case of }{\rtlch\fcs1
\ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Scott v. Sanford,}{\rtlch\fcs1
\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 also known as the Dred Scott case, and found
that African-Americans could not be citizens of the United States, and hence enjoyed no
rights. The court also ruled that the Congress could not prohibit slavery in the territories.
Chie f Justice Roger Taney believed he had settled
the slavery question and its baneful influence upon sectional politics once and for all.
But influential members of the northern electorate, including President Lincoln, largely ignored
this ruling. The issue of slavery and its standing under the United
States Constitution would not go away. \par Garrison called the Constitution "a covenant
with death" that locked the rights of African-Americans in the vise of white Americans' precious liberties.
Together with other abolitionists, Garrison called upon Americans
to organize themselves politically and write new laws providing slaves with liberty and
a full set of rights of their own. Other Americans, including President Abraham Lincoln, sought
to infuse the Constituti o
n's interpretation of individuals in society with the democratic spirit of equality articulated
by the Declaration of Independence. Despite his lawyer's reverence for the law, Lincoln
ultimately came to believe that the Constitution was not a fixed set of
doctrines bound to organize American society around the ideals of the late eighteenth century.
Rather, it was a living, growing set of principles subject to the interpretation of a democratic
people. \par Secession raised another important constitutional
issue . The states of the Confederacy argued that
the Constitution provided them with the right to secession. President Lincoln, like many
northern Republicans, found no basis for secession in the Constitution, and hence treated the
southerners' withdrawals fro m
the Union as illegal acts. Individuals' or states' defiance of the "constitutional majority"
comprised "the essence of anarchy," he reasoned. As president, Lincoln formulated his war policy
from this premise, and set out to retrieve the errant states for
the Union. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK
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{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 \par While politicians and jurists argued
the constitutionality of secession and Congress' right to regulate slavery in the territories,
the relationship between law and society took several more forms in Illinois and throughout
the Union during the Civil War. Government officials faced the dilemma of conducting
a war to preserve the rule of law with the limited and constrained powers provided by
those laws themselves. "Must a governm ent be too strong for the liberties of the
people, but too weak to preserve itself?" asked President Lincoln.
\par Many Illinoisians opposed the war, and a significant number openly supported the
Confederacy. Their vigorous exercise of constitutional rights, es
pecially the right to free speech, often resembled subversion and treason to state and federal
officials. On a number of occasions these officials seemed to violate the spirit, and
even the letter, of constitutional guarantees in a desperate attempt to wi
n the war. \par The words and actions of so-called copperheads,
especially in the Ohio Valley, provided the first test of constitutional liberties. In
1861, Lincoln suspended civil law in territories where resistance to the North's military power
would prove da ngerous to the Union. In 1862, the president
suspended }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 habeas corpus}{\rtlch\fcs1
\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 throughout the nation and ordered many copperhead
democrats arrested. The suspension applied to Confederate spies, those aiding the rebel
cause by interfering with military enlistment or
resisting the draft, or other individuals "guilty of any disloyal practice." Lincoln
made persons arrested under this proclamation subject to martial law, placing their trials
before military courts. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0
\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html" \\l "2" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
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\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 \par One persistent critic of the war and
the Lincoln administration, Clement Vallandigham of Ohio, found himself imprisoned by military
officials for his refusal to cooperate with war measures. Lincoln commuted the sentence
and banished Valladigham to the Confederacy, only to learn that an
outraged Ohio Democratic Party had nominated him for the governor's office.
\par In response to widespread criticism of his suspension of the writ of }{\rtlch\fcs1
\ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 habeas corpus}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
and the banishment of Vallandigham, Lincoln wrote a pu
blic letter to Democratic Party leaders showing that the Constitution supported his actions.
He showed that the Constitution had stipulated that the "writ of Habeas Corpus shall not
be suspended, unless when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion, the public S
a fety may require it." The president noted
that the Civil War clearly represented "a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of Rebellion."
The makers of the Constitution understood, he continued, that "ordinary courts of justice
are inadequate to such cases." A
cting on their ordinary rules, courts would discharge men bent upon undermining the federal
war effort and endangering the public safety. As for Vallandigham, Lincoln charged that
he was encouraging desertions from the Union army. "Must I shoot a simplemi
nded soldier boy who deserts," Lincoln asked, "while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator
who induces him to desert?" }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html" \\
l "3" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 3}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 \par Like the president, many Republicans
and federal officials believe d that state courts in the northwest would
not convict war protestors, and sought to punish them by other means. Many anti-war
leaders and Valladigham followers, including members of the Illinois Congressional delegation
and judges, spent significant port i
ons of the Civil War in military prisons. In other cases, zealous Union generals and
other officials denied anti-war newspapers the use of the federal mails, and even suppressed
their publication. In July of 1862 military officials suppressed the circulat
ion of the Quincy }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Herald}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0
\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 on the premise that it encouraged the work
of rebel guerillas in western Illinois. Pro-union mobs also shut several papers, including the
Bloomington }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Times}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0
\ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 , through intimidation or the outright destruction
of offices and printing apparatus. In 1864 soldiers stationed in Cairo marched a short
distance from their camp to destroy the press and offices of the Chester }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0
\ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Picket Guard}{\rtlch\fcs1
\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 , a persistent critic of the war and administration. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "4" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 4}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
\par Early in 1863 prominent Chicago merchants began a boycott of the copperhead Chicago
}{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Times}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
. Union generals forbade its circulation within their ranks. In June of that year General
Ambrose Burnside, in command of the department of the northwest, unilaterally suppressed
the }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Times}{\rtlch\fcs1
\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 , as well as the Jonesboro }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\i\insrsid7550440 Gazette}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 "on account of
the repeated expression of disloyal and incendiary statements." }
{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "5" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 5}}}\sectd \ltrsect
\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
Residents of Chicago responded with a mass meeting of twenty thousand and demanded free
speech. The Illinois House of Representatives passed a resolution condemning Burnside's
order, and the next day President Lincoln revoked it.
\par The subject of emancipation also brought law and politics together. The outbreak of
war brought abolitionists greater standing in many northern communities. "The South has
made Slavery the issue," argued the Central Illinois }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0
\ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Gazette}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 in November
of 1861, "and Congress must enable the people to throttle rebellion and break its head with
this `bone of contention.'" }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {
\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "6" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 6}}}\sectd \ltrsect
\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
But Abraham Lincoln continued to oppose immediate emancipation, instead proposing a scheme in
which the fe deral government compensated southern slaveholders
for their loss of property. \par Lincoln proceeded with great caution
in an effort to retain the border states of Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky and Missouri
for the Union. Illinois' radical Republicans complain
ed about "the imbecility of President Lincoln." Many believed that he was not up to the task
of national leadership during the Civil War's crisis. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1
\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "7" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 7}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
\par When Lincoln did issue his Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, 1862, he directly
repudiated the Supreme Court's ruling in }{\rtlch\fcs1 \ai\af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \i\insrsid7550440 Scott
v. Sanford}{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 . Whenever the subject of emancipation had
come up, one observer recalled, Lincoln had previously "been prompt and emphatic in denouncing
any interferenc e by the General Government with the subject."
But the war had removed many of the Constitution's restrictions. Secretary of War Stanton recalled
that the president had reasoned "We must free the slaves or be ourselves subdued." Lincoln
had carefully avoi d
ed a moral brief against slavery and couched his proclamation in terms of his powers, as
Commander in Chief, to attack the Confederate War effort. The Emancipation Proclamation
in fact provided a very limited emancipation affecting only those slaves actua
lly residing in the Confederacy and therefore able to sustain its war effort. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "8" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 8}}}\sectd
\ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
\par Nevertheless, Illinois Democrats, like their brethren all over the North and South,
denounced the Emancipation P roclamation as "unwarrantable in military
as in civil law; a gigantic usurpation, at once converting the war, professedly commenced
by the administration for the vindication of the authority of the constitution, into
a crusade for the sudden, unconditiona l and violent liberation of three million
slaves." }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK
"http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html" \\l "9" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 9}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
While most Republicans welcomed Lincoln's action, many Radical Republicans criticized
the proclamation's seemingly timid stance and limited
objectives. Still, Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase presciently noted that the
proclamation represented "a step in the progress of this war \endash a beginning, the results
of which will extend into the distant future." }
{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "10" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 10}}}\sectd \ltrsect
\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
\par As the war's end came into view northern Republicans began to wrestle with the task
of forming a policy to reintegrate the Union. This work also raised significant Constitutional
questions. One Illinoisian argued that se cession had placed the wayward states "into
territorial pupillage again," freeing Congress to abolish slavery and generally reconstruct
the laws there. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html" \\l "11" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 11}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\insrsid7550440 This position represented the stance
of many Radical Republicans who hoped to remake southern social institutions in the war's
wake. As President Lincoln had argued that secession had actually represented a legal
impossibility, he sought to replace rebels with loyalists in familiar American
political institutions as quickly as possible. He believed that "territorialization" would
only embitter southerners and give legal recognition to the act of secession. }{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440 HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html"
\\l "12" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 12}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj
{\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
\par The president cont inued to struggle with Radical Republicans
in Congress. Each sought to take the lead in supervising the coming Reconstruction,
and shape it with their own agenda. Radicals came to believe that Lincoln, "only a half-converted,
honest Western Whig, trying t o be an abolitionist," proposed liberal terms
that would enable "the large landed proprietors of the South still to domineer over politics."
}{\field\fldedit{\*\fldinst {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0 \insrsid7550440
HYPERLINK "http://dig.lib.niu.edu/civilwar/law.html" \\l "13" }}{\fldrslt {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\cs16\ul\cf2\insrsid7550440 13}}}\sectd \ltrsect\linex0\endnhere\sectlinegrid360\sectdefaultcl\sectrsid9840608\sftnbj {\rtlch\fcs1 \af0 \ltrch\fcs0
\insrsid7550440 This contest represented the two branches of gov
ernment's attempts to define their constitutional powers most favorably for their own goals.
But it also revealed equally fundamental questions not foreseen by the framers of the United
States Constitution. Did the former Confederate states have the right
, once returned to the Union, to send representatives
to Congress immediately? Could the federal government set conditions that these states
must meet before they sent representatives to Congress? If it could not, then Congress
lacked the ability to enact laws necessary to protect the freed slaves
in the South and insure white southerners' future loyalty.
\par President Lincoln's untimely assassination left these issues of Reconstruction open,
and they came to dominate the tenure of his successor, Andrew Johnson
of Tennessee. Ultimately the federal government enacted three major amendments to the Constitution
that comprised the heart of Reconstruction law. The Thirteenth Amendment abolished slavery
in the United States, replacing Lincoln's wartime Emancipation P
r oclamation with federal law. The Fourteenth
Amendment addressed widespread southern denial of freedmen's rights by granting all persons
born or naturalized in the United States citizenship in their state and nation. It forbade states
to deny citizens thei r
rights or liberties without due process of law, or deny individuals the equal protection
of the laws. The Fifteenth Amendment specifically declared that states might not deny American
citizens the right to vote on the basis of race or previous enslavemen
t. \par These amendments fulfilled William Lloyd
Garrison's vision of a new set of laws providing the rights of citizenship to African Americans.
But the century following the Civil War showed that these dramatic legal measures often failed
to effect similar ch anges in society itself. The enforcement of
the laws proved to be a political matter subject to the will of a democratic people. Once again
Constitutional issues, including the relationship between the federal government and the states,
provided the frame w
ork in which this revolution in Americans' values, beliefs and habits occurred. In the
late nineteenth and twentieth century, state and federal officials embarked upon countless
rounds of political dispute and maneuver to determine how these laws would be
enforced. \par }\pard \ltrpar\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sb100\sa100\sbauto1\saauto1\widctlpar\wrapdefault\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0\pararsid2901850
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