Tip:
Highlight text to annotate it
X
STUDENT: This is directed to you, Professor. Thank you for coming in. I'd like to-- if you could
just spend
a bit more on your theory-- talking about secularization,
the aspect of the market--
and if you take Catholics out of the statistical analysis, then it works, but if you put Catholics back in, it doesn't work.
I was wondering why
that is the case, why is it particularly
Catholics that sort of mess up
this economic model
that's being proposed. GORSKI: Well, right, I mean, the problem is double.
First of all,
Catholic countries
do not have,
typically, free markets and religion.
And yet they tend to be--
this is the second point-- tend to be more observant
than Protestants do, at least if you look at contemporary survey data.
And this turned out to be true
on a smaller scale
within the United States as well.
In the US you also have the additional problem of Utah. In other words, Mormons, which don't
fit this model terribly well
either, and I think actually this anomaly is relatively easy to account for in terms of the kind of
organizational political model that I laid out,
which is-- number one, Catholics are the pioneers in the development of missionary strategies,
particularly through the use of various kinds of
preaching and teaching orders--
and this is one of the things which
Protestantism
does away with,
and doesn't really understand what it's lost.
They have a much longer-standing
tradition of various kinds of parachurch organizations, lay confraternities, sodalities,
other kinds of a quasi-religious organizations like guilds
which then served as a kind of a platform or a template during the nineteenth century for
the development of yet other forms
of lay--
lay association and parachurch organizations.
And
you know, the one thing which of course then becomes a problem
for Catholics is that there
tends to be this close
relationship between--
between church and state, and so this is one-- this-- to the degree to which you observe
secularization within
Catholic countries, it typically arises out of this kind of political conflict between
kind of lay republicans
and increasingly kind of conventionalized democratic mass parties.
You know, France is
one-- is the best European example of this, but, you know, Turkey in a way is kind of
you know-- I mean it's like,
you know, it's like the most---
it's an even more radical version
of that same kind of process of secular, radical republicanism.