Tip:
Highlight text to annotate it
X
The President: Good evening.
Goede avond.
Bonsoir.
Guten abend.
(Applause.)
Thank you, Laura, for that
remarkable introduction.
Before she came out she told me not to be nervous.
(Laughter.) And I can only imagine -- I think her
father is in the audience, and I can only imagine
how proud he is of her.
We're grateful for her work, but she's also
reminding us that our future will be defined
by young people like her.
Your Majesties, Mr. Prime Minister, and the people
of Belgium -- on behalf of the American people,
we are grateful for your friendship.
We stand together as inseparable allies,
and I thank you for your wonderful hospitality.
I have to admit it is easy to love a country
famous for chocolate and beer.
(Laughter.) Leaders and dignitaries of the
European Union; representatives
of our NATO Alliance; distinguished guests:
We meet here at a moment of testing for Europe and the
United States, and for the international order
that we have worked for generations to build.
Throughout human history, societies have grappled
with fundamental questions of how to organize
themselves, the proper relationship between
the individual and the state, the best means
to resolve inevitable conflicts between states.
And it was here in Europe, through centuries
of struggle -- through war and Enlightenment,
repression and revolution -- that a particular
set of ideals began to emerge: The belief that through
conscience and free will, each
of us has the right to live as we choose.
The belief that power is derived from
the consent of the governed, and that laws and institutions
should be established
to protect that understanding.
And those ideas eventually inspired a band
of colonialists across an ocean, and they wrote
them into the founding documents that still guide
America today, including the simple truth that
all men -- and women -- are created equal.
But those ideals have also been tested --
here in Europe and around the world.
Those ideals have often been threatened
by an older, more traditional view of power.
This alternative vision argues that ordinary
men and women are too small-minded to govern
their own affairs, that order and progress
can only come when individuals surrender their rights
to an all-powerful sovereign.
Often, this alternative vision roots itself in the
notion that by virtue of race or faith
or ethnicity, some are inherently superior
to others, and that individual identity must
be defined by "us" versus "them," or that national
greatness must flow not by what a people stand for,
but by what they are against.
In many ways, the history of Europe in the 20th
century represented the ongoing clash of these
two sets of ideas, both within nations and among nations.
The advance of industry and technology outpaced
our ability to resolve our differences peacefully,
and even among the most civilized of societies,
on the surface we saw a descent into barbarism.
This morning at Flanders Field, I was reminded
of how war between peoples sent a generation to their
deaths in the trenches and
gas of the First World War.
And just two decades later, extreme nationalism
plunged this continent into war once again --
with populations enslaved, and great cities reduced
to rubble, and tens of millions slaughtered,
including those lost in the Holocaust.
It is in response to this tragic history that,
in the aftermath of World War II, America joined with
Europe to reject the darker forces
of the past and build a new architecture of peace.
Workers and engineers gave life to the Marshall Plan.
Sentinels stood vigilant in a NATO Alliance that
would become the strongest the world has ever known.
And across the Atlantic, we embraced a shared
vision of Europe -- a vision based
on representative democracy, individual rights,
and a belief that nations can meet the interests
of their citizens through trade and open markets;
a social safety net and respect for those
of different faiths and backgrounds.
For decades, this vision stood in sharp contrast
to life on the other side of an Iron Curtain.
For decades, a contest was waged, and ultimately
that contest was won -- not by tanks or missiles,
but because our ideals stirred the hearts of Hungarians
who sparked a revolution; Poles in their shipyards
who stood in Solidarity; Czechs who waged a Velvet
Revolution without firing a shot; and East Berliners
who marched past the guards and finally
tore down that wall.
Today, what would have seemed impossible
in the trenches of Flanders, the rubble of Berlin,
or a dissident's prison cell -- that reality
is taken for granted.
A Germany unified.
The nations of Central and Eastern Europe
welcomed into the family of democracies.
Here in this country, once the battleground
of Europe, we meet in the hub of a Union that
brings together age-old adversaries
in peace and cooperation.
The people of Europe, hundreds of millions
of citizens -- east, west, north, south --
are more secure and more prosperous because
we stood together for the ideals we share.
And this story of human progress
was by no means limited to Europe.
Indeed, the ideals that came to define
our alliance also inspired movements across
the globe among those very people, ironically,
who had too often been denied their
full rights by Western powers.
After the Second World War, people from Africa
to India threw off the yoke of colonialism
to secure their independence.
In the United States, citizens took freedom
rides and endured beatings to put
an end to segregation and to secure their civil rights.
As the Iron Curtain fell here in Europe,
the iron fist of apartheid was unclenched,
and Nelson Mandela emerged upright, proud, from prison
to lead a multiracial democracy.
Latin American nations rejected dictatorship
and built new democracies, and Asian nations showed
that development and democracy could go hand in hand.
Young people in the audience today,
young people like Laura, were born in a place
and a time where there is less conflict, more prosperity
and more freedom than any time in human history.
But that's not because man's
darkest impulses have vanished.
Even here, in Europe, we've seen ethnic
cleansing in the Balkans
that shocked the conscience.
The difficulties of integration
and globalization, recently amplified by the worst
economic crisis of our lifetimes, strained the
European project and stirred the rise
of a politics that too often targets immigrants
or gays or those who seem somehow different.
While technology has opened up vast
opportunities for trade and innovation and
cultural understanding, it's also allowed
terrorists to kill on a horrifying scale.
Around the world, sectarian warfare
and ethnic conflicts continue to claim
thousands of lives.
And once again, we are confronted with
the belief among some that bigger nations can bully smaller
ones to get their way -- that recycled maxim
that might somehow makes right.
So I come here today to insist that we must
never take for granted the progress that has been
won here in Europe and advanced around the world,
because the contest of ideas continues
for your generation.
And that's what's at stake in Ukraine today.
Russia's leadership is challenging truths that
only a few weeks ago seemed self-evident --
that in the 21st century, the borders of Europe
cannot be redrawn with force, that international
law matters, that people and nations
can make their own decisions about their future.
To be honest, if we defined our interests
narrowly, if we applied a cold-hearted calculus,
we might decide to look the other way.
Our economy is not deeply integrated with Ukraine's.
Our people and our homeland face no direct
threat from the invasion of Crimea.
Our own borders are not threatened
by Russia's annexation.
But that kind of casual indifference would
ignore the lessons that are written
in the cemeteries of this continent.
It would allow the old way of doing things
to regain a foothold in this young century.
And that message would be heard not just in Europe,
but in Asia and the Americas,
in Africa and the Middle East.
And the consequences that would arise
from complacency are not abstractions.
The impact that they have on the lives
of real people -- men and women just like us --
have to enter into our imaginations.
Just look at the young people of Ukraine
who were determined to take back their future
from a government rotted by corruption --
the portraits of the fallen shot by snipers,
the visitors who pay their respects at the Maidan.
There was the university student,
wrapped in the Ukrainian flag, expressing her hope that
"every country should live by the law."
A postgraduate student, speaking of her fellow
protestors, saying, "I want these people
who are here to have dignity."
Imagine that you are the young woman who said,
"there are some things that fear,
police sticks and tear gas cannot destroy."
We've never met these people, but we know them.
Their voices echo calls for human dignity that
rang out in European streets
and squares for generations.
Their voices echo those around the world who
at this very moment fight for their dignity.
These Ukrainians rejected a government
that was stealing from the people instead of serving them,
and are reaching for the same ideals that allow
us to be here today.
None of us can know for certain what the coming
days will bring in Ukraine,
but I am confident that eventually those voices --
those voices for human dignity and opportunity
and individual rights and rule of law --
those voices ultimately will triumph.
I believe that over the long haul,
as nations that are free, as free people, the future is ours.
I believe this not because I'm naïve, and I believe
this not because of the strength of our arms
or the size of our economies, I believe this because
these ideals that we affirm are true;
these ideals are universal.
Yes, we believe in democracy --
with elections that are free and fair; and independent
judiciaries and opposition parties; civil society
and uncensored information so that individuals
can make their own choices.
Yes, we believe in open economies based on free
markets and innovation, and individual initiative
and entrepreneurship, and trade and investment
that creates a broader prosperity.
And, yes, we believe in human dignity --
that every person is created equal, no matter
who you are, or what you look like, or who you love,
or where you come from.
That is what we believe.
That's what makes us strong.
And our enduring strength is also reflected
in our respect for an international system
that protects the rights of both nations and people --
a United Nations and a Universal Declaration
of Human Rights; international law
and the means to enforce those laws.
But we also know that those rules are
not self-executing; they depend on people and
nations of goodwill
continually affirming them.
And that's why Russia's violation of international
law -- its assault on Ukraine's sovereignty
and territorial integrity --
must be met with condemnation.
Not because we're trying to keep Russia down,
but because the principles that have meant so much
to Europe and the world must be lifted
up. Over the last several days, the United States,
Europe, and our partners around the world have
been united in defense of these ideals,
and united in support of the Ukrainian people.
Together, we've condemned Russia's invasion
of Ukraine, and rejected the legitimacy
of the Crimean referendum.
Together, we have isolated Russia politically,
suspending it from the G8 nations and downgrading
our bilateral ties.
Together, we are imposing costs through sanctions
that have left a mark on Russia and those
accountable for its actions.
And if the Russian leadership stays
on its current course, together we will ensure that
this isolation deepens.
Sanctions will expand.
And the toll on Russia's economy, as well
as its standing in the world, will only increase.
And meanwhile, the United States and our allies will
continue to support the government of Ukraine
as they chart a democratic course.
Together, we are going to provide a significant
package of assistance that can help stabilize
the Ukrainian economy, and meet the basic needs
of the people.
Make no mistake: Neither the United States,
nor Europe has any interest in controlling Ukraine.
We have sent no troops there.
What we want is for the Ukrainian people
to make their own decisions, just like other
free people around the world.
Understand, as well, this is not another Cold War
that we're entering into.
After all, unlike the Soviet Union,
Russia leads no bloc of nations, no global ideology.
The United States and NATO do not seek any conflict
with Russia.
In fact, for more than 60 years, we have come
together in NATO -- not to claim other lands,
but to keep nations free.
What we will do -- always -- is uphold our solemn
obligation, our Article 5 duty to defend the
sovereignty and territorial integrity
of our allies.
And in that promise we will never waver;
NATO nations never stand alone.
Today, NATO planes patrol the skies over
the Baltics, and we've reinforced
our presence in Poland.
And we're prepared to do more.
Going forward, every NATO member state must
step up and carry its share of the burden by showing the
political will to invest in our collective defense,
and by developing the capabilities to serve
as a source of international peace and security.
Of course, Ukraine is not a member of NATO --
in part because of its close and complex
history with Russia.
Nor will Russia be dislodged
from Crimea or deterred from further escalation
by military force.
But with time, so long as we remain united,
the Russian people will recognize that they cannot
achieve security, prosperity
and the status that they seek through brute force.
And that's why, throughout this crisis,
we will combine our substantial pressure on Russia with
an open door for diplomacy.
I believe that for both Ukraine and Russia,
a stable peace will come through de-escalation --
direct dialogue between Russia and the government
of Ukraine and the international community;
monitors who can ensure that the rights
of all Ukrainians are protected; a process
of constitutional reform within Ukraine;
and free and fair elections this spring.
So far, Russia has resisted diplomatic
overtures, annexing Crimea and massing large forces
along Ukraine's border.
Russia has justified these actions as an effort
to prevent problems on its own borders and to protect
ethnic Russians inside Ukraine.
Of course, there is no evidence, and never
has been, of systemic violence against ethnic Russians
inside of Ukraine.
Moreover, many countries around the world face
similar questions about their borders and ethnic
minorities abroad, about sovereignty
and self-determination.
These are tensions that have led in other places
to debate and democratic referendums, conflicts
and uneasy co-existence.
These are difficult issues, and it is
precisely because these questions are hard that
they must be addressed through constitutional
means and international laws so that majorities
cannot simply suppress minorities, and big
countries cannot simply bully the small.
In defending its actions, Russian leaders have
further claimed Kosovo as a precedent -- an example
they say of the West interfering in the affairs
of a smaller country, just as they're doing now.
But NATO only intervened after the people of Kosovo
were systematically brutalized
and killed for years.
And Kosovo only left Serbia after a referendum
was organized not outside the boundaries
of international law, but in careful cooperation
with the United Nations and with Kosovo's neighbors.
None of that even came close
to happening in Crimea.
Moreover, Russia has pointed to America's
decision to go into Iraq as an example
of Western hypocrisy.
Now, it is true that the Iraq War was a subject
of vigorous debate not just around the world,
but in the United States as well.
I participated in that debate and
I opposed our military intervention there.
But even in Iraq, America sought to work within
the international system.
We did not claim or annex Iraq's territory.
We did not grab its resources
for our own gain.
Instead, we ended our war and left Iraq
to its people and a fully sovereign Iraqi state
that could make decisions about its own future.
Of course, neither the United States
nor Europe are perfect in adherence to our ideals,
nor do we claim to be the sole arbiter of what
is right or wrong in the world.
We are human, after all, and we face difficult
choices about how to exercise our power.
But part of what makes us different is that
we welcome criticism, just as we welcome the
responsibilities that come with global leadership.
We look to the East and the South and see nations
poised to play a growing role on the world stage,
and we consider that a good thing.
It reflects the same diversity that makes
us stronger as a nation and the forces of integration
and cooperation that Europe
has advanced for decades.
And in a world of challenges that are
increasingly global, all of us have an interest
in nations stepping forward to play their part --
to bear their share of the burden and to uphold
international norms.
So our approach stands in stark contrast
to the arguments coming out of Russia these days.
It is absurd to suggest -- as a steady drumbeat
of Russian voices do -- that America is somehow
conspiring with fascists inside of Ukraine
or failing to respect the Russian people.
My grandfather served in Patton's Army,
just as many of your fathers and grandfathers
fought against fascism.
We Americans remember well the unimaginable
sacrifices made by the Russian people
in World War II, and we have honored those sacrifices.
Since the end of the Cold War, we have worked
with Russia under successive administrations to build
ties of culture and commerce and international
community not as a favor to Russia,
but because it was in our national interests.
And together, we've secured nuclear
materials from terrorists.
We welcomed Russia into the G8
and the World Trade Organization.
From the reduction of nuclear arms
to the elimination of Syria's chemical weapons,
we believe the world has benefited when Russia
chooses to cooperate on the basis
of mutual interests and mutual respect.
So America, and the world and Europe,
has an interest in a strong and responsible Russia,
not a weak one.
We want the Russian people to live in security,
prosperity and dignity like everyone else --
proud of their own history.
But that does not mean that Russia can run
roughshod over its neighbors.
Just because Russia has a deep history
with Ukraine does not mean it should
be able to dictate Ukraine's future.
No amount of propaganda can make
right something that the world knows is wrong.
In the end, every society must chart its own course.
America's path or Europe's path is not
the only ways to reach freedom and justice.
But on the fundamental principle that
is at stake here -- the ability of nations and peoples
to make their own choices --
there can be no going back.
It's not America that filled the Maidan
with protesters -- it was Ukrainians.
No foreign forces compelled the citizens
of Tunis and Tripoli to rise up --
they did so on their own.
From the Burmese parliamentarian pursuing
reform to the young leaders fighting
corruption and intolerance in Africa,
we see something irreducible that all of us share as human
beings -- a truth that will persevere in the face
of violence and repression and will ultimately overcome.
For the young people here today, I know it may seem
easy to see these events as removed from our lives,
remote from our daily routines,
distant from concerns closer to home.
I recognize that both in the United States and
in much of Europe there's more than enough to worry
about in the affairs of our own countries.
There will always be voices who say that what
happens in the wider world is not our concern,
nor our responsibility.
But we must never forget that we are heirs
to a struggle for freedom.
Our democracy, our individual opportunity
only exists because those who came before us had the
wisdom and the courage to recognize that our ideals
will only endure if we see our self-interest
in the success of other peoples and other nations.
Now is not the time for bluster.
The situation in Ukraine, like crises in many parts
of the world, does not have easy answers
nor a military solution.
But at this moment, we must meet the challenge
to our ideals -- to our very international order --
with strength and conviction.
And it is you, the young people of Europe,
young people like Laura, who will help decide which
way the currents of our history will flow.
Do not think for a moment that your own freedom,
your own prosperity, that your own moral imagination
is bound by the limits of your community,
your ethnicity, or even your country.
You're bigger than that.
You can help us to choose a better history.
That's what Europe tells us.
That's what the American experience is all about.
I say this as the President of a country
that looked to Europe for the values that are
written into our founding documents,
and which spilled blood to ensure that those values
could endure on these shores.
I also say this as the son of a Kenyan whose
grandfather was a cook for the British,
and as a person who once lived in Indonesia
as it emerged from colonialism.
The ideals that unite us matter equally
to the young people of Boston or Brussels,
or Jakarta or Nairobi, or Krakow or Kyiv.
In the end, the success of our ideals comes down
to us -- including the example of our own lives,
our own societies.
We know that there will always be intolerance.
But instead of fearing the immigrant,
we can welcome him.
We can insist on policies that benefit the many,
not just the few; that an age of globalization
and dizzying change opens the door of opportunity
to the marginalized, and not just a privileged few.
Instead of targeting our gay and lesbian brothers
and sisters, we can use our laws
to protect their rights.
Instead of defining ourselves in opposition
to others, we can affirm the aspirations
that we hold in common.
That's what will make America strong.
That's what will make Europe strong.
That's what makes us who we are.
And just as we meet our responsibilities
as individuals, we must be prepared
to meet them as nations.
Because we live in a world in which our ideals
are going to be challenged again and again
by forces that would drag us back into
conflict or corruption.
We can't count on others to rise
to meet those tests.
The policies of your government, the principles
of your European Union, will make a critical
difference in whether or not the international
order that so many generations before
you have strived to create continues to move forward,
or whether it retreats.
And that's the question we all must answer --
what kind of Europe, what kind of America,
what kind of world will we leave behind.
And I believe that if we hold firm
to our principles, and are willing to back
our beliefs with courage and resolve,
then hope will ultimately overcome fear, and freedom will
continue to triumph over tyranny -- because that is what
forever stirs in the human heart.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)