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Mr. Carney: Good afternoon,
ladies and gentlemen.
Thank you for being here today
for your daily briefing.
As you can see, I have a couple of guests with
me today -- the President's National Security Advisor,
Ambassador Susan Rice; and the President's Deputy
National Security Advisor for Strategic
Communications, Ben Rhodes.
They're here to give you a preview of the President's
upcoming foreign trip and then to take some
questions on that trip.
Ben will start with a quick overview
of the schedule.
Ambassador Rice will then provide
a thematic overview.
And then they can take your questions
on those topic areas.
After an allotted period of time I'm going
to let them go, and I'll stick around for questions
on other subjects.
With that, I give you Ben Rhodes.
Mr. Rhodes: Thanks, Jay.
So I'll just start with an overview of the
President's key schedule engagements.
There may be additional meetings that he does and
we'll keep you updated over the course
of the trip.
We leave here Sunday night and arrive
at The Hague on Monday morning.
Then the President will go to the Rijksmuseum,
the iconic museum in Amsterdam, where he will
meet with Prime Minister Rutte of the Netherlands.
The two of them will do a brief tour of the museum
and then they'll have their bilateral
meeting there as well.
Following that, the President will go
to the summit site at The Hague.
He will have a bilateral meeting with President
Xi Jinping of China to initiate his meetings
there at The Hague.
This will be the first meeting he's had with
President Xi since the G20 in September.
President Xi, of course, was able to greet
Mrs. Obama today, and so we're pleased that
they were able to meet, and they'll continue
their consultations there at The Hague.
Then the President will go into the summit sessions.
There will be an opening plenary session
followed by a scenario-based policy discussion
in the afternoon.
Following those summit sessions, the President
will attend a G7 meeting at the Prime Minister's
Residence in The Hague.
This G7 meeting has obviously been added
on to the schedule as part of our continued response
to the situation in Ukraine, and the President will
consult with the leaders of the G7 about how
to both support the Ukrainian government and of course,
the meeting itself is part of our isolation
of Russia for its actions in Ukraine.
Following that G7 meeting the President will have
a chance to see the King of the Netherlands
and then attend a working dinner.
Then on Tuesday, the 25th, throughout the course
of the day the President will participate
in the summit plenaries.
Again, we anticipate him having the opportunity
to have some meetings on the margins
of the summit with additional leaders.
We'll keep you updated on those interactions.
At the conclusion of the summit, President Obama
will have a joint press conference with
Prime Minister Rutte of the Netherlands.
Then following that press conference, he'll have
some additional meetings.
He will have a bilateral meeting with
Mohammed Bin Zayed of the United Arab Emirates, one of our key
relationships in the Gulf -- an opportunity
to discuss our commitment to Gulf security,
our efforts to support the opposition in Syria,
and to update Mohammed Bin Zayed on our ongoing nuclear
negotiations with Iran
and the Middle East peace negotiations.
Following that meeting, we will have a very important
trilateral meeting with President Park of the
Republic of Korea,
and Prime Minister Abe of Japan.
We believe this is a very important message to show
the United States aligned with our two most
important allies in Northeast Asia.
It's a signal of our commitment to the security
of Northeast Asia and our belief that when the
United States and our allies stand together we
are all much stronger in the region
and in the world.
Then the President will leave and travel to
Brussels and spend the night in Brussels.
On Wednesday, March 26th, the President will begin
by going to Flanders Field, one of the most
important battlefields of World War I.
This, of course, is the centennial anniversary
of World War I, a very critical milestone in the
history of Europe, the United States
and the world.
At Flanders Field, the President will meet with
both King Philippe of Belgium and Prime Minister
Di Rupo as well.
So they'll have a private meeting, then there will
be a wreath-laying and a tour of the battlefield,
which will be a very resonant moment for the
people of Belgium, people of the United States
and Europe as well.
Following that, the President will attend
the U.S.-EU Summit, where he'll meet with Presidents
Von Rompuy and Barroso.
Here, of course, we have a very broad agenda
with the EU.
I'm sure the situation in Ukraine will be front and
center, as well as the ongoing discussions around
the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership, the Iran negotiations,
and the broad range of issue that we have with the EU.
Following that summit and working lunch,
he'll have a joint press conference with the leaders,
Van Rompuy and Barroso.
After the EU meeting, the President will then meet
with the Secretary General of NATO.
And of course, this is one of our -- well,
our single-most important joint security alliance
and, frankly, is as important
as ever given the situation in Europe and in Ukraine.
So the President and the Secretary General will
be able to discuss not just the situation in Ukraine,
but the steps that we are taking to reinforce
the security of our allies in Eastern Europe,
as you've seen recently with Vice President Biden's trip
and our additional deployments to the Baltic states and
Poland as well.
So these will be important discussions on NATO's
collective defense and the preparations
for the Wales summit.
Following the meeting with the Secretary General,
the President will give a speech at the
Palais des Beaux Arts in Brussels.
This will be the single speech of the trip.
The President will have a chance to discuss his
vision of transatlantic relations,
of European security.
Obviously, the situation in the Ukraine
will factor heavily into his presentation.
It only reinforces the need for the United States
to remain committed to a strong transatlantic
alliance, to the security of Europe, the integration
of Europe, and to the values that the United
States and Europe stand for together, including
both individual liberty, but also the rights of
sovereign nations to make their own decisions
and to have their sovereignty
and territorial integrity respected.
Following that speech, the President will depart
for Rome, where he will spend the night.
On Thursday, March 27th, the President
will begin his day with an audience with Pope Francis.
He has long looked forward to meeting Pope Francis.
He has very much admired the leadership
he has provided in his first year as Pope, his commitment
to address issues like income inequality,
and his leadership of the church more broadly.
So that will be an important time
for the President to have some personal interaction
with the Pope and to hear about the very ambitious agenda
that he has launched in his first year.
Following that audience with Pope Francis, the
President will meet with the Secretary of State
Parolin to discuss what the Vatican is doing
on a range of issues around the world as well.
After the visit to the Vatican, he will then have
a meeting and lunch with President Napolitano
of Italy, who has been a very good friend and partner
of President Obama and the United States
for several years now.
Then, he will have his first bilateral meeting
with Prime Minister Renzi of Italy.
He has had a good series of discussions
with him on the phone.
He'll have an opportunity to address with Prime
Minister Renzi the situation, of course,
in Ukraine, but also broader cooperation between
the United States and Italy.
Following that press conference,
the President will have the opportunity to tour the Coliseum
in Rome, one of the iconic sights in the world,
and he is very much looking forward
to that opportunity.
Then, on Friday, we go to Saudi Arabia, to Riyadh.
After arriving in Riyadh, the President will have
a bilateral meeting with King Abdullah, again, an
important opportunity to invest in one of our most
important relationships in the Middle East, certainly
in the Gulf region, to address I think a very
broad agenda in terms of our ongoing support
for Gulf security, our support for the Syrian opposition
where we've been very coordinated with
the Saudis, the ongoing Middle East peace discussions,
as well as both the nuclear negotiations with Iran but
also our joint concern for destabilizing actions that
Iran is taking across the region.
And then the President will spend the night
in Saudi Arabia on Friday.
He will be returning back
to the United States on Saturday.
And with that, I'll turn it over to Susan.
Ambassador Rice: Thank you, Ben.
Good afternoon, everyone.
Over the course of this trip, the President will
be mobilizing the international community
and some of our most important partners
in the world at a time when we're dealing with a number
of important challenges.
If there's a common theme to this trip, it's the
fundamental strength and importance
of our alliances and partnerships.
The strategic importance of this effort really
can't be overstated.
From Europe to Asia to the Middle East,
our ability to lead strong coalitions
is essential to making progress.
In Europe, as you heard Ben say, we'll meet with
some of our most important institutional partners
in the world -- the G7, the European Union, and NATO.
We'll also have important bilateral engagements
with the leaders of the Netherlands, Italy,
and Belgium, all traditionally strong allies.
These meetings obviously take place against
the backdrop of Russia's intervention in Ukraine.
What will be clear for the entire world to see
is that Russia is increasingly isolated and
that the United States is leading the international
community in supporting the government of Ukraine
and the people of Ukraine, and in imposing costs on
Russia for its aggression against Ukraine.
At the same time, we're also building our
strategic cooperation in Europe by moving forward
with T-TIP, which is a vital engine for growth
and job creation on both sides of the Atlantic;
by strengthening NATO as the world's leading instrument
of collective security; and by advancing our
efforts to secure nuclear materials around the globe
through the President's signature initiative of
the Nuclear Security Summit,
in its third iteration.
Meanwhile, we continue to focus
on our rebalance to Asia.
After a period of tension, we will bring together
two of our closest allies, the Republic of Korea and
Japan, in a trilateral meeting that will send
a powerful message about America's commitment
to the security of Northeast Asia.
In addition, the President will meet with President
Xi Jinping of China and that will advance
our efforts to try to cooperate where we can
with China on a range of issues from climate
change to denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula.
Finally, we'll be reinforcing some of our
most important relationships
in the Middle East.
As you heard Ben say, on the margins of the
Nuclear Security Summit, the President will have
the opportunity again to spend time with the Crowned
Prince of the United Arab Emirates,
Mohammed Bin Zayed, and then later to travel to Riyadh
for a very important meeting with King Abdullah
of Saudi Arabia, which we've been
very much looking forward to.
These meetings come at a time when we're engaged
in the nuclear negotiations with Iran, where we're
working to try to bring fruition to the
Middle East peace negotiations, and we're engaged
in collective efforts with many of our partners
in the region as well as in Europe to strengthen
the Syrian opposition.
By investing and deepening our core Gulf
partnerships, the United States will
be in a stronger position to make progress on these very
core projects that are central to the President's
second term agenda.
The common thread is that we are investing
in our traditional alliances and building strong
and flexible coalitions.
In each of these regions, which will serve
in many ways as force multipliers, the United States
cannot and we should not bear all the burdens
of addressing global challenges alone.
And we don't, because with this core group
of alliances and partnerships from Europe to Asia
to the Middle East, we have, I am confident, the wherewithal
to manage this very complex mix
of international issues, including challenges
like Ukraine, like Iran, like North Korea and Syria,
while also continuing our ability to make progress
on key elements of our affirmative agenda --
things like the trade agreement we're working
on with Europe, T-TIP, our Asia rebalance,
and working to resolve the Iranian issue --
nuclear issue through peaceful means.
With that, I'm happy to take a few questions,
joined by Ben and Jay.
Mr. Carney: We'll start with Josh of the AP.
The Press: Thanks, Ambassador.
Is it your goal at this G7 meeting next week to get
the Europeans to agree to the same type
of sanctions that the U.S.
says that it's willing to impose?
Or are you anticipating tough rhetoric
from the Europeans, but an unwillingness to embrace
the kind of sanctions against sectors
of the Russian economy that could affect them?
And also, will you be laying out clear lines
for what steps Russia would have to take to trigger
those kinds of sanctions?
Ambassador Rice: We've been in very close and
constant communication and consultation with our G7
partners over the last several weeks.
I'm talking to my colleagues and
counterparts almost every day.
The President has been on the phone for the last
several weeks.
So the communication has been robust, so the
And you saw that yesterday when the European Council, 0:13:45.400,1193:02:47.295 coordination is already very much in train.
on the same day we made our announcement of additional
sanctions yesterday, came out with a very
strong decision of its own, which
included not only additional support for Ukraine,
but additional designations of individuals for asset
freezes and visa bans, as well as a very strong
statement of a readiness to impose broad economic
sanctions in the event that
the situation escalates.
That very much matches the theory behind
the executive order that President Obama signed
yesterday, which gave us and gives us the ability
as needed to target particular sectors
to be designated within the Russian economy,
should the circumstances necessitate.
So we are already quite closely coordinated
with our European partners.
Obviously, the G7 meeting will be an opportunity
to deepen and continue that coordination even as we
have the chance to talk about how we step up our
collective support for the people and the government
of Ukraine and consider the optimum disposition
of the G8-G7 mechanism going forward in light
of recent developments.
The Press: There was a report this morning
in the Wall Street Journal that says that
the White House canceled a planned meeting between Obama
and the GCC leaders in Saudi Arabia next week because
of rifts among some of those Persian Gulf leaders.
Do you have any response to that?
Ambassador Rice: That's not accurate.
There was never a formal meeting scheduled.
It is something that we had contemplated some
weeks back and began some
preliminary consultations on that.
But then, of course, the situation between
and among the members of the GCC has grown
more complex of late.
And while we maintain very strong and cooperative
relationships with each of the GCC countries, we
didn't think that from their point of view that
the time was optimal for a collective meeting.
The Press: Is the Ukraine crisis prompting
a fundamental reassessment of U.S.-Russian relations?
Ambassador Rice: Yes.
(Laughter.) Well, look, the fact of the matter
is that in the years since the ending of the
Cold War, the United States and Europe, and indeed the
international community have proceeded along
a path where we've made clear that
our interest was in more fully integrating Russia,
politically and economically, into Europe
and into, indeed, the fabric of the
international system and the global economy.
But that was predicated on an expectation that Russia
would play by the rules of the road, the economic
and security rules of the road, international law
and the norms and principles that
govern responsible international action.
What we have seen in Ukraine is obviously
a very egregious departure from that.
And it is causing the countries and people
of Europe and the international community
and, of course, the United States to reassess
what does this mean and what are the implications.
You saw a stark example of that or demonstration
of that in the U.N.
Security Council last weekend, where Russia
was alone, even without China, in insisting that
its actions in Ukraine had any international legitimacy.
The rest of the world has said absolutely clearly
that they reject and will never accept the
annexation of Crimea, that this is an act that
is in blatant violation of international laws and the
sovereignty and territorial integrity
of Ukraine, and it will have consequences.
And it already has.
The Press: Russia, obviously, is a country
that's supposed to be a big participant
in the Nuclear Security Summit.
Do you guys have an idea of who's going
to be representing them there?
I know there's some speculation that Secretary
Kerry could meet with his counterpart while there.
And is there anything you want to use with the
nuclear summit to sort of send a message
to Russia about its international isolation
or things like that?
Ambassador Rice: Nuclear security is an area
where the United States has and continues to have
an enduring interest in cooperation with Russia
and other important countries where
the security of nuclear materials
remains of concern.
So the Nuclear Security Summit is an opportunity
for I think it's about 53 countries
to come together to advance a very important agenda that
has been a pillar of this administration's national
security policy to make it harder and harder
for those who may wish to use nuclear materials
for terrorist purposes to get their hands on them.
And there's been a series of steps,
starting in 2010, which have led to a very serious
improvement in the security of materials
around the world.
We have every interest in continuing
to cooperate with Russia and other countries,
even where we have differences with them on other issues,
on the issue of nuclear security.
And I believe it's Foreign Minister Lavrov
who is representing Russia.
And I think that was their plan for --
The Press: Do you feel like that's an appropriate level --
I mean, the United States is sending
the Commander-in-Chief.
Russia is sending their --
Ambassador Rice: Chuck, I mean, that's their choice to make.
But it's been their choice for quite some while.
This is not -- The Press: It was Medvedev
at the last one.
Mr. Rhodes: It was -- yes, it was Medvedev
at the last one.
Ambassador Rice: Yes, but I don't think there
was ever an expectation that President Putin
or Medvedev were coming to this one.
The Press: Do feel like they're still fully
cooperative, that the Russians are still
fully cooperative on nuclear security?
Ambassador Rice: We haven't seen any evidence
to the contrary.
Mr. Carney: Jim.
The Press: Ambassador Rice, I guess since
you're being so direct, what do you think
Vladimir Putin is up to?
This morning or overnight he said that
they should hold off on countermeasures in
response to the sanctions.
Do you think he is trying to rewrite the end of the
Cold War?
Do you think he's, through confrontation with
President Obama, trying to elevate his status,
elevate Russia's status?
Ambassador Rice: I'm not going
to get into speculating about President Putin's motives.
His actions are clear.
And we have expressed equally clearly
our opposition to his invasion and annexation of Crimea,
and the further provocative steps that
he has taken with regard to Ukraine.
Our view is that this situation can
and should be de-escalated.
It should be resolved through
dialogue and diplomacy.
We still believe it can be if that choice
is the choice that the Russian Federation makes,
and we'll continue our efforts, even as we impose
costs and signal that those costs could increase
if the situation escalates,
to work to support any credible efforts to resolve
the situation diplomatically.
The Press: Will the President deliver
a message to Russian leadership while he's --
Ambassador Rice: I think he has been.
The Press: Ambassador, Secretary Hagel
has had two important calls in the last couple of days --
one with Ukraine's minister of defense,
where he encouraged them to continue
to show restraint.
So it's kind of a two-parter:
How concerned are you about the Ukrainians being pushed
by the Russians into responding
and giving Putin an excuse to take more territory?
And secondly, Secretary Hagel had a phone call
with the Russian defense minister to talk about the
some 20,000 Russian troops on the border,
and it was explained that there's a military
training exercise going on.
Do you believe the Russians that
they're just doing a training exercise?
How do you believe them at this point when
they previously suggested they had no intention
to take Crimea either?
Ambassador Rice: Well, I don't know that anybody
is talking about beliefs.
I think we're characterizing what
Secretary Hagel's counterpart, Mr. Shoigu,
said to him yesterday.
I won't ascribe a value to it.
I will say that what Secretary Hagel
has been doing, staying in close consultation with his
Ukrainian counterpart, very similarly to what
Secretary Kerry has been doing with Prime Minister
Yatsenyuk and the foreign minister of Ukraine,
is part of our ongoing effort to show support and
partnership to the people and
the government of Ukraine.
That support takes the form of political
and diplomatic support, of course
much increased economic support.
And that is the reason for our efforts to work
with Congress and urge them to act quickly
to implement through legislation the billion-dollar loan
guarantee and the IMF quota reform,
which are critical to our ability to support Ukraine.
And this dialogue even remains ongoing
with Russian counterparts, which we think
is still important to maintain.
The Press: Are you concerned
about Ukrainian restraint?
Secretary Hagel said -- he encouraged the fact
that they've been restrained, but at some point are you
concerned that the Ukrainians are going
to want to push back and that will give Putin
an excuse to do more?
Ambassador Rice: Well, this is obviously
a very worrying and fragile situation,
but we have been very much admiring of the posture that
the Ukrainian people and government have taken.
They have exercised enormous restraint
in the face of obvious provocation.
And they've made clear that their interest
is in a unified, democratic future that is --
an existence at peace with both Russia and with
the Western Europe and the United States.
And as the President said yesterday,
we don't see those as in any way necessarily in tension.
Ukraine has a history that ought to enable
it to be simultaneously working constructively with Russia
and with the remainder of the world.
Mr. Carney: Bill, then April.
The Press: There were reports today
that more Russians troops -- substantially more
than the 20,000 number that were discussed,
have gathered along many segments
of the Ukrainian border.
Has the U.S.
taken note of this?
And what have you said to Russia?
Ambassador Rice: We have, indeed, been taking
note of developments along Ukraine's border,
including the Russian border.
And indeed, I think that was part
of the substance of Secretary Hagel's telephone conversation
yesterday with his Russian counterpart.
The Press: Does it signal to you that things
are getting worse rather than better?
Ambassador Rice: It's not clear what that signals.
The Russians have stated that they
are intending military exercises.
Obviously, given their past practice
and the gap between what they have said and what they have
done, we are watching it with skepticism.
Mr. Carney: April.
The Press: Ambassador Rice, from the podium
you just said that Russia has not followed
the rules of the road.
And this White House contends that they want
to deescalate the situation.
But from all looks, the last couple
of days at least things have escalated.
How far is this White House willing
to go beyond sanctions when it comes to Russia
and the isolation of Russia?
Ambassador Rice: Well, I'm not sure what
you're implying beyond sanctions.
But let me say this, that the United States
has been leading the international community
to the point where we are now, which is that Russia finds
itself highly isolated from the norms and the expectations
of the international community.
I mentioned what occurred in the United Nations
Security Council, which is emblematic of that.
We have Europe, the United States,
and many other countries outside of Europe coming together
to impose economic costs on Russia and to indicate
that those costs will escalate if the situation
on the ground escalates.
We're supporting Ukraine in a very active
and affirmative way to get on its economic feet
and to be able to conduct the upcoming elections.
So this action, which is coordinated and collective
among the entire world, I think is both emblematic
of our commitment to Ukraine,
but also increasingly of the isolation
that Russia is facing.
The Press: What I'm speaking of are options
that are on the table that you're reviewing
to include Senator McCain's request for hardware.
So what are those options that are on the table
beyond the economic sanctions?
Ambassador Rice: Well, April, obviously
as a national security team, we have to review a wide
range of options.
But our focus has been and remains on the economic
and diplomatic instruments at this point.
Our interest is not in seeing the situation
escalate and devolve into hot conflict.
Our interest is in a diplomatic resolution,
de-escalation, and obviously economic support
for Ukraine, and to the extent that it continues
to be necessary, further costs imposed on Russia
for its actions.
The Press: Do you have a timeline for that, for
those economic sanctions to end -- I mean, when you
want to move to the next level beyond
the economic sanctions?
Ambassador Rice: We'll keep you guessing.
Mr. Carney: Ann, and then Nadia after that.
The Press: Thank you for doing this briefing today.
Can you point us to the impact that you've seen of
the sanctions so far, the second wave of sanctions?
And would the next step be sanctions directly on the
Russian government?
What did the President mean when he said that
would have a global impact?
Ambassador Rice: Well, Ann, I think, first of
all, you can see that these measures have had at
least an initial impact when you look at the
markets, when you look at the currency, when you
look at the ratings by the major ratings agencies,
which have downgraded Russia from stable to
negative just in the last 24 hours,
that these steps are consequential.
The executive order that the President signed
yesterday is a tool that allows even broader action
should that be determined to be necessary, including
the opportunity for the Secretary of Treasury
in consultation with the Secretary of State
to impose sanctions in various sectors,
key sectors of the Russian economy.
We have not taken that decision.
As the President said yesterday,
that is not our preference.
But if the situation escalates, that remains
a tool at our disposal.
The Press: Ambassador, both Syria and
the peace process are important.
Would you say that the primary aim
of the President's visit is to assuage
the Saudis' fear towards Iran?
And do you think that's achievable,
considering they're being very critical
of the President's policy?
And after his meeting, do we expect any change
of his policy towards Syria?
Ambassador Rice: I think the meeting that President
Obama looks forward to having with the
King of Saudi Arabia will cover a broad range of issues.
In the first instance, our very important
bilateral relationship and the strength
of our cooperation and security, economic issues,
counterterrorism regional issues as well.
This partnership is longstanding,
is very important to both of our countries,
and this will be an opportunity to affirm that
and to find opportunities to strengthen
it and deepen it.
On the regional agenda, of course, Syria will
be a topic of conversation.
So will Iran and the nuclear negotiations,
and the United States' determination above
and beyond the nuclear issue that we have security
interests and security commitments
to our partners in the region that we will stand
by and maintain.
They will talk about, I imagine, the situation
in Egypt and the Middle East peace process.
There will be a range of issues on the agenda.
And you mentioned Iran in particular.
That obviously is a topic of importance to both.
The Press: I just want to know what do you expect
the Saudis to do that's different so far
in terms of their cooperation in Syria?
Ambassador Rice: Well, we've been working very
closely with Saudi Arabia on the issue of Syria.
Our cooperation at the present is excellent,
in fact, and we expect to be discussing ways
to deepen it further.
Mr. Carney: Last one for Ambassador Rice.
Jess.
The Press: You talked about the GCC
and the divisions there, Ambassador.
Is there a role for the U.S.
to play to bridge those differences during
those meetings with the UAE and Saudi Arabia?
And will it be pursued?
Ambassador Rice: I think, first of all,
as I said, we have very good relationships with each
of the GCC countries, and we look forward to
maintaining those and we look forward to continuing
what has been really a pattern of collaboration
between the United States and the GCC as a whole.
I don't think that "mediation" is perhaps the
noun I would use, but certainly we will
be interested in the perspectives that
we will hear from our important partners in Saudia Arabia
and the United Arab Emirates,
and that will inform our efforts to encourage the
continued cooperation among those partners in the GCC,
which we think is mutually beneficial
and in the United States' interest.
Thank you.
Mr. Carney: Thank you, Ambassador
Rice, Ben Rhodes.
I'm here to take questions that you may have
for about 15 more minutes if you need me.
Roger.
The Press: The Ambassador said that the U.S.
is reassessing the relationship with Russia.
What's the effect of that on the Iran talks?
Mr. Carney: We view that it is in Russia's clear
interest that Iran not be allowed
to or pursue possession of a nuclear weapon.
Thus far, Russia has been an important part
of the P5-plus-1 process and we hope and expect
that that collaboration and cooperation will continue
because of the shared interest that all members
of that process have and that Russia
has in particular, for the reasons I just noted.
This is true, I think as Ambassador Rice
said to Chuck earlier, when we look at other areas where
there are joint interests that the United States
and Russia share.
And we obviously expect Russia to continue
to participate in a constructive way in these
processes, whether it's the Nuclear Security
Summit in the pursuit of greater nonproliferation
efforts and nuclear security,
or the P5-plus-1 process, which is related.
So we're going to monitor that situation
very closely and continue the, thus far, useful process
that's been underway through the P5-plus-1
in order to try to resolve diplomatically
and peacefully the challenge posed
by Iran's nuclear program.
The Press: You haven't seen
any damaging effect yet?
Mr. Carney: We have not seen any indication
that Russia has changed its posture with
regards to the P5-plus-1.
Kristen.
The Press: Jay, given everything
Ambassador Rice just said about the changing state
of relations with Russia, the fact that people are
talking in terms of a new Cold War, is the President
thinking now about talking to the American people
on this subject, putting this in some larger context?
Mr. Carney: You heard the President speak yesterday
on this subject, and he noted very clearly
that what Russia has done in Ukraine,
and specifically in Crimea, violates a sovereign nation's
territorial integrity; it violates Russia's
commitments under the United Nations Charter
and its commitments through agreements with Ukraine
itself.
It also is at odds with what has been a 20-year
effort, mostly -- mostly, not entirely -- mostly in
one direction towards integrating Russia further
into the international community and into
international institutions,
into the fabric of Europe, into the global economy.
So what we have seen obviously represents
a serious step away from that integration.
And it's very concerning and problematic.
It is not good for Europe; it's not good for the
United States; it's not good for the world;
but it is least good for Russia and the Russian people.
We've seen the impact already on the Russian
economy that Ambassador Rice noted, and further
escalation will result in further isolation
and higher costs that Russia will incur because
of these actions.
I don't have a schedule for the next time
the President will address this issue,
but it is clearly one of concern.
It's one that he's been speaking about regularly
for the past several weeks,
and I expect he will in the future.
We pursue this matter with a clear-eyed focus
on our national security interests,
on our commitments to our allies through the NATO alliance,
and our commitment to the Ukrainian people and their
right, as a sovereign nation,
to choose their own future.
The Press: And just one question about
that expression of support
for the new Ukrainian government.
How much do you feel it undercuts your message
that the loan guarantees are stalled?
Mr. Carney: We believe that there is broad
support on Capitol Hill for providing direct
assistance to the new Ukrainian government
in order to help Ukraine get back on its feet
economically, which in turn will help
it move forward, especially towards holding elections,
which have been scheduled.
We believe that that process can and should
move forward quickly through Congress
as soon as Congress is back.
We also believe that part of that commitment
to Ukraine and the new Ukrainian government is
the need to ensure that the quota reforms for the
IMF are passed as well.
If the lawmakers of both parties believe,
as the President does, that we need to maximize
the assistance we can provide to Ukraine,
the way to do that is to pass legislation that includes
these reforms, these quota reforms at the IMF,
because that will increase the flexibility and
leverage that the IMF has to provide
assistance to Ukraine.
The bilateral assistance that we envision providing
and that Congress supports generally in providing,
the loan guarantee program,
is a piece of and a complement to the more substantial
assistance that the IMF can provide and should provide.
Alexis.
The Press: Jay, yesterday the Russian Federation
imposed travel restrictions on some
members of Congress, some White House officials.
Some members on the Hill took that lightly,
and I have two questions.
One is did the White House greet that response
by taking it lightly as some members on the Hill did?
Or is the White House concerned that the
reaction from the Russian Federation signaled
that this is going to be a ping-ponging
of sanctions back and forth for some prolonged period?
Mr. Carney: The way we look at it here, Alexis,
is that it's certainly unfortunate that
an action like that would be taken in response to the
firm commitment the United States has made
to the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of an independent nation, and to the effort that the
United States has participated in and led
to provide support to the Ukrainian people
and the Ukrainian government, and to oppose the clear
violation of international law that the Russian
military intervention in Crimea represents.
But we're focused on everything on the back
half of that paragraph, which is what can we
continue to do to support the Ukrainian people?
What actions can we take, as necessary, to ensure
that Russia understands that there are serious
costs associated with the decisions that the Russian
leadership is making?
We are also focused very much on strengthening
already what is the strongest alliance in the
world -- NATO; to taking the steps we've taken,
increasing our deployments in the Baltic nations and
Poland because of the importance of that
alliance; and then having the kinds of collaborative
consultations with our European partners that
you're going to see the President participate
in, in person
this coming week. Josh.
The Press: Jay, Israeli Defense Minister Moshe
Ya'alon says that he's apologized to Chuck Hagel
for questioning the U.S.
commitment to Israel's security, to taking action
in Iran, and for trashing John Kerry.
Can you confirm that he did apologize?
And is the U.S.
confident -- or has the U.S.
received any assurances from Netanyahu that
Minister Ya'alon will no longer be an obstacle
to our efforts to secure peace and deal with
the Iranian threat?
Mr. Carney: Well, I don't obviously speak for him.
I was quite clear about our view of his previous
comments, which are simply inconsistent with
the truth when it comes to this country's
and this administration's and Secretary Kerry's
commitment to Israel's security.
And I would point you to the affirmation
of that that Prime Minister Netanyahu has made
when it comes to the singular nature of the specific
and concrete commitment to Israel's security
that President Obama has made,
and this administration has made.
And I would point you to comments of other leading
officials in Israel to that effect as well.
The Press: And can you flesh out any details
about the who, what, where of the meeting
this afternoon with the Internet CEOs?
Mr. Carney: I can tell you that the President
looks forward to having that meeting in which he will
sit down with a number of executives from tech firms
to continue his dialogue with them on the issues
of privacy, technology, and intelligence,
following the President's January 17 speech.
We'll have more information after the
meeting, if we can provide it.
I can tell you that the following CEOs are
attending: Reed Hastings of Netflix; Drew Houston
of Dropbox; Dr. Karp of Palantir; Aaron Levie of
Box; Eric Schmidt of Google and Mark Zuckerberg
of Facebook.
The Press: Jay, how did the meeting with the
Chinese President get set
up for this trip next week?
And is it about anything special
they want to discuss?
Or is it a wide range, the East China Sea tensions?
What exactly?
Mr. Carney: I don't have more on the agenda for
that meeting than Ben and Susan outlined.
And in terms of how it came about, we look
forward to opportunities for President Obama and
President Xi to meet whenever practicable.
As you know, they've met several times now,
including out in California.
And this is a very important relationship
that includes a panoply of important issues --
economic, security and environmental
issues, for example.
So I'm sure you can expect the full range
of topics to be discussed.
Ed.
The Press: Jay, the health care deadline will be
coming up as the President I guess
is just returning from the trip.
Can you talk about what kind of preparations
are going on while he's away?
He's obviously been making a big, last-minute push.
And can you address some of the critics
who have been saying that you haven't released the
numbers on how many people were previously uninsured
who are now being insured as part of the 5
million-plus that have been signed up?
Is there any way to break that down?
Mr. Carney: Sure.
On that one in terms of that breakdown,
if it is being calculated.
I would have to refer you to CMS.
What I think is still confusing to some viewers
out there, depending on the outlet, is the fact
that this system that the Affordable Care Act
created is a system of private insurance
specifically aimed at the individual market.
Most Americans who have health insurance
receive it through their employer.
Others, of course, if they're
senior citizens are on Medicare.
And other Americans receive health
care through Medicaid.
The private insurance market set
up by the Affordable Care Act and by the state marketplaces
are obviously aimed at the individual market and,
in that case, the uninsured within those marketplaces.
So I know that the sort of criticism is a moveable
feast, because as each straw man in this debate
is knocked down, there is a new one that's set up.
And maybe this is it, that somehow the fact that
in some places, somebody in a state is finding
out that through the marketplaces the insurance
that's available is more affordable
and higher-quality than what they had before --
and that's certainly often the case,
because the standards are higher that are set by the ACA.
That would be a good thing for the individual
who was able to get that insurance
and an improvement for them.
So we're going to focus instead on making sure
that the system is working so that Americans can get
their options and avail themselves of the
insurance plans that they can find on
healthcare.gov, and to further implement the
Affordable Care Act, because millions of
Americans are demonstrating through the
federal and state marketplaces that they
want this product.
And I'm sure that no matter what the number
is come April 1st, no matter what the demographic is,
no matter what, we'll still
hear from the critics.
Jim.
The Press: On the March 31st deadline,
is there going to be any kind of grace period
at all if people are having trouble with the website
on that last day because there could be a lot of traffic?
Could they have until April 1st?
Mr. Carney: Well, March 31st
is the deadline for enrollment.
You've heard us make that clear.
And I would refer you to HHS and CMS for procedures
that might be in place for dealing with what will
probably be an increase in interest towards the end
of the enrollment period, which you see in all kinds
of enrollment periods like this and how that
volume will be handled.
But the March 31st deadline is the deadline.
The Press: So if you sign up on April 1st,
you won't be able to -- you'll just have
to wait until November?
Mr. Carney: March 31st is the deadline.
As was the case for the December deadline,
we're going to want to make sure that people
who are already in line can finish their enrollment.
But for how that process works, I would point
you to what happened in December
and how that played out.
The Press: The December grace period,
you could kind of --
Mr. Carney: would refer you to CMS and
HHS for how to explain the -- how that works.
The Press: -- if you were having trouble on the 31st
you'll have the door shut on you?
You now have the door shut?
Mr. Carney: Again, we want to make sure, as we did
in December, on that deadline, that folks who
have begun the process are able to complete it.
We certainly expect naysayers,
notwithstanding, that there's going
to be continued interest right up to the deadline.
And that interest will probably increase
as we approach the deadline.
The Press: -- Turkish Prime Minister shut
it down, Twitter officially was banned in Turkey.
What your reaction about
this government's decision?
Mr. Carney: The United States is deeply concerned
that the Turkish government has blocked
its citizens' access to basic communication tools.
We oppose this restriction on the Turkish people's
access to information, which undermines
their ability to exercise freedoms of expression
and association, and runs contrary to the principles
of open governance that are critical to democratic
governance and the universal rights that the U.S.
stands for around the world.
We have conveyed our serious concern to the
Turkish government.
We urge Turkish authorities to respect the
freedom of the press by permitting the independent
and unfettered operation of media of all kinds.
And we support the people of Turkey in their calls
to restore full access to the blocked technologies.
Mark.
The Press: Jay, is the White House considering
a change in its smartphones, leaving Blackberry and
going to some other brand?
Mr. Carney: I can tell you, Mark, that the
reports on this are somewhat -- I don't want
to say misleading, but they
create the misimpression.
The White House Communications Agency is
part of the Department of Defense,
as veterans like you know.
And for questions about their devices,
I would refer you to them.
I can tell you that the Executive Office of the
President is not participating in a pilot
program with regards to our handheld electronic devices.
The Press: Jay, can you comment today on the
statement from U.S.
Ambassador to Poland Stephen Mull that the U.S.
is preparing a military exercise in Poland, which
will include Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary,
Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, et cetera?
Mr. Carney: I would refer
you to the Defense Department.
Laura.
The Press: Did you have some briefing at the
White House this week about the terrorist action involving
the missing plane?
And my second question is what for the White House
the definition of breaking news?
(Laughter.) Mr. Carney: Laura did not submit that
question in advance.
(Laughter.) And the answer I'm about to give I'm
going to make up right here.
The Press: People from all over the world are
watching what some 24-hour news channels are doing.
Mr. Carney: Well, Laura, what I'd say on the first
question is, as you know, the United States is
providing assistance to the Malaysian government
in its investigation and in its search for the
missing plane.
And we have not here in the United States reached
any conclusions about what happened to the plane or
where it is.
We are, as part of that investigation that's being
led by the Malaysian government, engaged in an
effort to try to look at different scenarios and
make decisions about and conclusions about what
happened.
But we are not there, by any means.
This is obviously a challenging situation for
Malaysia and for everyone participating in the
investigation and the search.
On the other one, one man's breaking news is
another man's news of the day, I would say.
I'm not sure that means anything.
I've got to go in a few minutes.
I'm not going to wade into that debate.
The Press: I was just handed the score of the
Duke-Mercer game.
Mr. Carney: I lost three games yesterday.
I have a meeting with my boss pretty soon.
I'll take one more.
Zeke.
The Press: I was wondering if you could clarify a
little bit -- you said that the sanctions
authorized by the executive order yesterday
could be deployed in the event if there's
escalation in Ukraine.
Now that Russia has sort of formally annexed
Crimea, what would constitute escalation?
Is that moving into eastern and southern --
the rest of eastern and southern Ukraine?
Or could those --
Mr. Carney: That would
certainly constitute escalation.
The Press: But couldn't there be escalation
without Russia moving into southern Ukraine or
eastern Ukraine?
Could those economic sanctions be imposed?
Or is that the only disincentive?
Mr. Carney: I think that you could follow that road
a long way and try to create specific
parameters.
What I can tell you is there are a variety of
ways that escalation could take place.
We certainly hope it doesn't.
The scenario you outlined represents escalation --
would if it were to happen.
But the fact is it's not our preferred path to have
to resort to imposing those sanctions on sectors
of the Russian economy that the President
described, but we have the authorities to do so,
should Russia choose to further escalate, to make
the situation worse.
Instead, what we hope is that Russia will choose a
path of de-escalation, one that recognizes Ukraine's
sovereignty, recognizes that it has an opportunity
to engage in a dialogue with the Ukrainian
government about any additional concerns they
have, and one that understands from the
beginning that the world will not recognize the
illegal seizure of territory that was part of
and remains part of a sovereign nation.
The Press: Is time a factor here if nothing
changes on the ground for a certain period of time?
Would that count as an escalation?
Mr. Carney: I'm not going to speculate about that.
We obviously, as you will see in the President's
trip this coming week, have worked very hard with
our partners to make it clear to Russia that
sustaining this disposition, continuing
this kind of action will result in further
isolation and further harm to the Russian economy and
the Russian people, and will erode the authority
and prestige that Russia could have if it were to
choose to abide by the rules of the road that
Ambassador Rice discussed at the top of the
briefing.
Thank you all very much.