Tip:
Highlight text to annotate it
X
Thank you Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, please have
a seat. Good evening. Goede avond. Bonsoir. Guten abend. (Applause.) Thank you, Laura,
for that remarkable introduction. Before she came out she told me not to be nervous. (Laughter.)
And I can only imagine — I think her father is in the audience, and I can only imagine
how proud he is of her. We're grateful for her work, but she's also reminding us that
our future will be defined by young people like her.
Your Majesties, Mr. Prime Minister, and the people of Belgium — on behalf of the American
people, we are grateful for your friendship. We stand together as inseparable allies, and
I thank you for your wonderful hospitality. I have to admit it is easy to love a country
famous for chocolate and beer. (Laughter.) Leaders and dignitaries of the European Union;
representatives of our NATO Alliance; distinguished guests: We meet here at a moment of testing
for Europe and the United States, and for the international order that we have worked
for generations to build. Throughout human history, societies have grappled
with fundamental questions of how to organize themselves, the proper relationship between
the individual and the state, the best means to resolve inevitable conflicts between states.
And it was here in Europe, through centuries of struggle — through war and Enlightenment,
repression and revolution — that a particular set of ideals began to emerge: The belief
that through conscience and free will, each of us has the right to live as we choose.
The belief that power is derived from the consent of the governed, and that laws and
institutions should be established to protect that understanding. And those ideas eventually
inspired a band of colonialists across an ocean, and they wrote them into the founding
documents that still guide America today, including the simple truth that all men — and
women — are created equal. But those ideals have also been tested — here
in Europe and around the world. Those ideals have often been threatened by an older, more
traditional view of power. This alternative vision argues that ordinary men and women
are too small-minded to govern their own affairs, that order and progress can only come when
individuals surrender their rights to an all-powerful sovereign. Often, this alternative vision
roots itself in the notion that by virtue of race or faith or ethnicity, some are inherently
superior to others, and that individual identity must be defined by "us" versus "them," or
that national greatness must flow not by what a people stand for, but by what they are against.
In many ways, the history of Europe in the 20th century represented the ongoing clash
of these two sets of ideas, both within nations and among nations. The advance of industry
and technology outpaced our ability to resolve our differences peacefully, and even among
the most civilized of societies, on the surface we saw a descent into barbarism.
This morning at Flanders Field, I was reminded of how war between peoples sent a generation
to their deaths in the trenches and gas of the First World War. And just two decades
later, extreme nationalism plunged this continent into war once again — with populations enslaved,
and great cities reduced to rubble, and tens of millions slaughtered, including those lost
in the Holocaust. It is in response to this tragic history that,
in the aftermath of World War II, America joined with Europe to reject the darker forces
of the past and build a new architecture of peace. Workers and engineers gave life to
the Marshall Plan. Sentinels stood vigilant in a NATO Alliance that would become the strongest
the world has ever known. And across the Atlantic, we embraced a shared vision of Europe — a
vision based on representative democracy, individual rights, and a belief that nations
can meet the interests of their citizens through trade and open markets; a social safety net
and respect for those of different faiths and backgrounds.
For decades, this vision stood in sharp contrast to life on the other side of an Iron Curtain.
For decades, a contest was waged, and ultimately that contest was won — not by tanks or missiles,
but because our ideals stirred the hearts of Hungarians who sparked a revolution; Poles
in their shipyards who stood in Solidarity; Czechs who waged a Velvet Revolution without
firing a shot; and East Berliners who marched past the guards and finally tore down that
wall. Today, what would have seemed impossible in
the trenches of Flanders, the rubble of Berlin, or a dissident's prison cell — that reality
is taken for granted. A Germany unified. The nations of Central and Eastern Europe welcomed
into the family of democracies. Here in this country, once the battleground of Europe,
we meet in the hub of a Union that brings together age-old adversaries in peace and
cooperation. The people of Europe, hundreds of millions of citizens — east, west, north,
south — are more secure and more prosperous because we stood together for the ideals we
share. And this story of human progress was by no
means limited to Europe. Indeed, the ideals that came to define our alliance also inspired
movements across the globe among those very people, ironically, who had too often been
denied their full rights by Western powers. After the Second World War, people from Africa
to India threw off the yoke of colonialism to secure their independence. In the United
States, citizens took freedom rides and endured beatings to put an end to segregation and
to secure their civil rights. As the Iron Curtain fell here in Europe, the iron fist
of apartheid was unclenched, and Nelson Mandela emerged upright, proud, from prison to lead
a multiracial democracy. Latin American nations rejected dictatorship and built new democracies,
and Asian nations showed that development and democracy could go hand in hand.
Young people in the audience today, young people like Laura, were born in a place and
a time where there is less conflict, more prosperity and more freedom than any time
in human history. But that's not because man's darkest impulses have vanished. Even here,
in Europe, we've seen ethnic cleansing in the Balkans that shocked the conscience.
The difficulties of integration and globalization, recently amplified by the worst economic crisis
of our lifetimes, strained the European project and stirred the rise of a politics that too
often targets immigrants or gays or those who seem somehow different.
While technology has opened up vast opportunities for trade and innovation and cultural understanding,
it's also allowed terrorists to kill on a horrifying scale. Around the world, sectarian
warfare and ethnic conflicts continue to claim thousands of lives. And once again, we are
confronted with the belief among some that bigger nations can bully smaller ones to get
their way — that recycled maxim that might somehow makes right.
So I come here today to insist that we must never take for granted the progress that has
been won here in Europe and advanced around the world, because the contest of ideas continues
for your generation. And that's what's at stake in Ukraine today. Russia's leadership
is challenging truths that only a few weeks ago seemed self-evident — that in the 21st
century, the borders of Europe cannot be redrawn with force, that international law matters,
that people and nations can make their own decisions about their future.
To be honest, if we defined our interests narrowly, if we applied a cold-hearted calculus,
we might decide to look the other way. Our economy is not deeply integrated with Ukraine's.
Our people and our homeland face no direct threat from the invasion of Crimea. Our own
borders are not threatened by Russia's annexation. But that kind of casual indifference would
ignore the lessons that are written in the cemeteries of this continent. It would allow
the old way of doing things to regain a foothold in this young century. And that message would
be heard not just in Europe, but in Asia and the Americas, in Africa and the Middle East.
And the consequences that would arise from complacency are not abstractions. The impact
that they have on the lives of real people — men and women just like us — have to
enter into our imaginations. Just look at the young people of Ukraine who were determined
to take back their future from a government rotted by corruption — the portraits of
the fallen shot by snipers, the visitors who pay their respects at the Maidan. There was
the university student, wrapped in the Ukrainian flag, expressing her hope that "every country
should live by the law." A postgraduate student, speaking of her fellow protestors, saying,
"I want these people who are here to have dignity." Imagine that you are the young woman
who said, "there are some things that fear, police sticks and tear gas cannot destroy."
We've never met these people, but we know them. Their voices echo calls for human dignity
that rang out in European streets and squares for generations. Their voices echo those around
the world who at this very moment fight for their dignity. These Ukrainians rejected a
government that was stealing from the people instead of serving them, and are reaching
for the same ideals that allow us to be here today.
None of us can know for certain what the coming days will bring in Ukraine, but I am confident
that eventually those voices — those voices for human dignity and opportunity and individual
rights and rule of law — those voices ultimately will triumph. I believe that over the long
haul, as nations that are free, as free people, the future is ours. I believe this not because
I'm naïve, and I believe this not because of the strength of our arms or the size of
our economies, I believe this because these ideals that we affirm are true; these ideals
are universal. Yes, we believe in democracy — with elections
that are free and fair; and independent judiciaries and opposition parties; civil society and
uncensored information so that individuals can make their own choices. Yes, we believe
in open economies based on free markets and innovation, and individual initiative and
entrepreneurship, and trade and investment that creates a broader prosperity. And, yes,
we believe in human dignity — that every person is created equal, no matter who you
are, or what you look like, or who you love, or where you come from. That is what we believe.
That's what makes us strong. And our enduring strength is also reflected
in our respect for an international system that protects the rights of both nations and
people — a United Nations and a Universal Declaration of Human Rights; international
law and the means to enforce those laws. But we also know that those rules are not self-executing;
they depend on people and nations of goodwill continually affirming them. And that's why
Russia's violation of international law — its assault on Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial
integrity — must be met with condemnation. Not because we're trying to keep Russia down,
but because the principles that have meant so much to Europe and the world must be lifted
up. Over the last several days, the United States,
Europe, and our partners around the world have been united in defense of these ideals,
and united in support of the Ukrainian people. Together, we've condemned Russia's invasion
of Ukraine, and rejected the legitimacy of the Crimean referendum. Together, we have
isolated Russia politically, suspending it from the G8 nations and downgrading our bilateral
ties. Together, we are imposing costs through sanctions that have left a mark on Russia
and those accountable for its actions. And if the Russian leadership stays on its current
course, together we will ensure that this isolation deepens. Sanctions will expand.
And the toll on Russia's economy, as well as its standing in the world, will only increase.
And meanwhile, the United States and our allies will continue to support the government of
Ukraine as they chart a democratic course. Together, we are going to provide a significant
package of assistance that can help stabilize the Ukrainian economy, and meet the basic
needs of the people. Make no mistake: Neither the United States, nor Europe has any interest
in controlling Ukraine. We have sent no troops there. What we want is for the Ukrainian people
to make their own decisions, just like other free people around the world.
Understand, as well, this is not another Cold War that we're entering into. After all, unlike
the Soviet Union, Russia leads no bloc of nations, no global ideology. The United States
and NATO do not seek any conflict with Russia. In fact, for more than 60 years, we have come
together in NATO — not to claim other lands, but to keep nations free. What we will do
— always — is uphold our solemn obligation, our Article 5 duty to defend the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of our allies. And in that promise we will never waver; NATO
nations never stand alone. Today, NATO planes patrol the skies over the
Baltics, and we've reinforced our presence in Poland. And we're prepared to do more.
Going forward, every NATO member state must step up and carry its share of the burden
by showing the political will to invest in our collective defense, and by developing
the capabilities to serve as a source of international peace and security.
Of course, Ukraine is not a member of NATO — in part because of its close and complex
history with Russia. Nor will Russia be dislodged from Crimea or deterred from further escalation
by military force. But with time, so long as we remain united, the Russian people will
recognize that they cannot achieve security, prosperity and the status that they seek through
brute force. And that's why, throughout this crisis, we will combine our substantial pressure
on Russia with an open door for diplomacy. I believe that for both Ukraine and Russia,
a stable peace will come through de-escalation — direct dialogue between Russia and the
government of Ukraine and the international community; monitors who can ensure that the
rights of all Ukrainians are protected; a process of constitutional reform within Ukraine;
and free and fair elections this spring. So far, Russia has resisted diplomatic overtures,
annexing Crimea and massing large forces along Ukraine's border. Russia has justified these
actions as an effort to prevent problems on its own borders and to protect ethnic Russians
inside Ukraine. Of course, there is no evidence, and never has been, of systemic violence against
ethnic Russians inside of Ukraine. Moreover, many countries around the world face similar
questions about their borders and ethnic minorities abroad, about sovereignty and self-determination.
These are tensions that have led in other places to debate and democratic referendums,
conflicts and uneasy co-existence. These are difficult issues, and it is precisely because
these questions are hard that they must be addressed through constitutional means and
international laws so that majorities cannot simply suppress minorities, and big countries
cannot simply bully the small. In defending its actions, Russian leaders
have further claimed Kosovo as a precedent — an example they say of the West interfering
in the affairs of a smaller country, just as they're doing now. But NATO only intervened
after the people of Kosovo were systematically brutalized and killed for years. And Kosovo
only left Serbia after a referendum was organized not outside the boundaries of international
law, but in careful cooperation with the United Nations and with Kosovo's neighbors. None
of that even came close to happening in Crimea. Moreover, Russia has pointed to America's
decision to go into Iraq as an example of Western hypocrisy. Now, it is true that the
Iraq War was a subject of vigorous debate not just around the world, but in the United
States as well. I participated in that debate and I opposed our military intervention there.
But even in Iraq, America sought to work within the international system. We did not claim
or annex Iraq's territory. We did not grab its resources for our own gain. Instead, we
ended our war and left Iraq to its people and a fully sovereign Iraqi state that could
make decisions about its own future. Of course, neither the United States nor Europe
are perfect in adherence to our ideals, nor do we claim to be the sole arbiter of what
is right or wrong in the world. We are human, after all, and we face difficult choices about
how to exercise our power. But part of what makes us different is that we welcome criticism,
just as we welcome the responsibilities that come with global leadership.
We look to the East and the South and see nations poised to play a growing role on the
world stage, and we consider that a good thing. It reflects the same diversity that makes
us stronger as a nation and the forces of integration and cooperation that Europe has
advanced for decades. And in a world of challenges that are increasingly global, all of us have
an interest in nations stepping forward to play their part — to bear their share of
the burden and to uphold international norms. So our approach stands in stark contrast to
the arguments coming out of Russia these days. It is absurd to suggest — as a steady drumbeat
of Russian voices do — that America is somehow conspiring with fascists inside of Ukraine
or failing to respect the Russian people. My grandfather served in Patton's Army, just
as many of your fathers and grandfathers fought against fascism. We Americans remember well
the unimaginable sacrifices made by the Russian people in World War II, and we have honored
those sacrifices. Since the end of the Cold War, we have worked
with Russia under successive administrations to build ties of culture and commerce and
international community not as a favor to Russia, but because it was in our national
interests. And together, we've secured nuclear materials from terrorists. We welcomed Russia
into the G8 and the World Trade Organization. From the reduction of nuclear arms to the
elimination of Syria's chemical weapons, we believe the world has benefited when Russia
chooses to cooperate on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.
So America, and the world and Europe, has an interest in a strong and responsible Russia,
not a weak one. We want the Russian people to live in security, prosperity and dignity
like everyone else — proud of their own history. But that does not mean that Russia
can run roughshod over its neighbors. Just because Russia has a deep history with Ukraine
does not mean it should be able to dictate Ukraine's future. No amount of propaganda
can make right something that the world knows is wrong.
In the end, every society must chart its own course. America's path or Europe's path is
not the only ways to reach freedom and justice. But on the fundamental principle that is at
stake here — the ability of nations and peoples to make their own choices — there
can be no going back. It's not America that filled the Maidan with protesters — it was
Ukrainians. No foreign forces compelled the citizens of Tunis and Tripoli to rise up — they
did so on their own. From the Burmese parliamentarian pursuing reform to the young leaders fighting
corruption and intolerance in Africa, we see something irreducible that all of us share
as human beings — a truth that will persevere in the face of violence and repression and
will ultimately overcome. For the young people here today, I know it
may seem easy to see these events as removed from our lives, remote from our daily routines,
distant from concerns closer to home. I recognize that both in the United States and in much
of Europe there's more than enough to worry about in the affairs of our own countries.
There will always be voices who say that what happens in the wider world is not our concern,
nor our responsibility. But we must never forget that we are heirs to a struggle for
freedom. Our democracy, our individual opportunity only exists because those who came before
us had the wisdom and the courage to recognize that our ideals will only endure if we see
our self-interest in the success of other peoples and other nations.
Now is not the time for bluster. The situation in Ukraine, like crises in many parts of the
world, does not have easy answers nor a military solution. But at this moment, we must meet
the challenge to our ideals — to our very international order — with strength and
conviction. And it is you, the young people of Europe,
young people like Laura, who will help decide which way the currents of our history will
flow. Do not think for a moment that your own freedom, your own prosperity, that your
own moral imagination is bound by the limits of your community, your ethnicity, or even
your country. You're bigger than that. You can help us to choose a better history. That's
what Europe tells us. That's what the American experience is all about.
I say this as the President of a country that looked to Europe for the values that are written
into our founding documents, and which spilled blood to ensure that those values could endure
on these shores. I also say this as the son of a Kenyan whose grandfather was a cook for
the British, and as a person who once lived in Indonesia as it emerged from colonialism.
The ideals that unite us matter equally to the young people of Boston or Brussels, or
Jakarta or Nairobi, or Krakow or Kyiv. In the end, the success of our ideals comes
down to us — including the example of our own lives, our own societies. We know that
there will always be intolerance. But instead of fearing the immigrant, we can welcome him.
We can insist on policies that benefit the many, not just the few; that an age of globalization
and dizzying change opens the door of opportunity to the marginalized, and not just a privileged
few. Instead of targeting our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters, we can use our laws
to protect their rights. Instead of defining ourselves in opposition to others, we can
affirm the aspirations that we hold in common. That's what will make America strong. That's
what will make Europe strong. That's what makes us who we are.
And just as we meet our responsibilities as individuals, we must be prepared to meet them
as nations. Because we live in a world in which our ideals are going to be challenged
again and again by forces that would drag us back into conflict or corruption. We can't
count on others to rise to meet those tests. The policies of your government, the principles
of your European Union, will make a critical difference in whether or not the international
order that so many generations before you have strived to create continues to move forward,
or whether it retreats. And that's the question we all must answer
— what kind of Europe, what kind of America, what kind of world will we leave behind. And
I believe that if we hold firm to our principles, and are willing to back our beliefs with courage
and resolve, then hope will ultimately overcome fear, and freedom will continue to triumph
over tyranny — because that is what forever stirs in the human heart.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)